It is the nature of a preliminary inquiry not to draw definitive conclusions. However, even with the limitations of these studies there are observations to be made. The most obvious observation is that Polytechnic Heights is not a dying community. Although different from what it was 50 years ago, there is evidence of a community coming to life. Ghettoization has not won out. This can be seen in the reduced crime rate, in the apparent optimistic attitude of the elderly ladies we interviewed, in the enthusiasm with which some of the youth embrace the idea of college, in the limited renovation, and in the apparent neighborly relationships that we observed.

Equally important, a preliminary inquiry helps future researchers understand the dynamics of the situation so that they can better focus on pertinent research questions. This chapter will address the preliminary observations and indicate further research, as well as suggest a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the current changes.

First and foremost, crime is no longer the problem it once was. Reduction in crime is a major factor in improving the livability of the area. It also contributes to reduction of racial suspicions and encourages neighborly interaction. More than any other factor, reduction of criminal activity can change an area from a ghetto to a poor but respectable neighborhood. Residents in Polytechnic Heights apparently do not live in fear today like they once did, and gangs no longer rule the streets. Most of the respondents of these studies had not been a crime victim and the majority felt safe in their neighborhood. Most strikingly the women felt safe, including the four elderly ladies. Crime victims were mostly young, minority males. Is this really a community wide pattern? If so, what aspects of the community contribute to this? Is criminal attack restricted to those involved in illegal activities such as drugs? Are minority youth a target even if they are not involved in criminal activity? Are the young men more likely to be involved in illegal activities than youth in other Fort Worth neighborhoods? How prevalent are drugs and gang activity? How safe is the ordinary resident? To what extent does the neighborhood participate in the reduction of criminal activity? Understanding the nature and extent of crime is crucial to understanding the neighborhood today.

Although crime does not appear to be the major issue that it once was, it is still foremost on the minds of business owners. Local businesses are still hit with frustrating frequency. The perception of crime appears to be a dissuading issue for prospective business owners, indicating slow economic regeneration. Is the occurrence of theft and robbery as great as it is perceived? Is it a genuine deterrence to the operation of a successful business? What successful measures have existing business owners taken to protect themselves? These issues need to be studied carefully and reported clearly.

We can confidently say that on the Texas Wesleyan campus crime is not an issue. The statistics show that students at the local university are as safe or safer than students at universities in other areas of the city. The 1997 and 1998 figures used in this volume did not include the rapist that terrorized TCU students in 1999, nor the homicide at UTA in 2000. Texas Wesleyan had no comparable incidents in either 1999 or 2000. Whatever the problems of the neighborhood today or in the past, crime has not spilled over onto the campus.

The community appears to have developed an inter-racial character. It is no longer an area of racial tension. That African Americans are not the majority in some sectors may contribute to reduced tensions. Similarly, that many local businesses owners, especially of convenience store/gas stations, are Asian may further contribute to the apparent racial harmony. Or it may be that time has taken its toll: the white residents who resisted meaningful relationships with minorities may have all left or died. Or perhaps greater acceptance of minorities in our society in general and the inevitability of a multi-racial society has mellowed everyone. In any case, some of community’s white residents have embraced the neighborhood's multi-ethnic character. There are still questions to be answered. Do a majority of the elderly white residents see things the way Marie Glick and Jane Irwin do? What is the racial feeling between the immigrant Hispanic population and African Americans? What racial tensions remain and why?

The 2000 census confirms what residents already knew -- that the racial composition of the neighborhood is now largely Hispanic. Many of them have come recently and are illegal immigrants from Mexico. They bring much of their culture and their language with them. They buy their homes as soon as they are able, they remodel them and make plans to send their children to university. They study English at the church-sponsored programs. More study is needed to understand the adjustment problems faced by these Hispanic residents. Are their children able to get the education they need? Are their religious needs met? Do they require legal assistance? Are they all self-sufficient or do some of them receive government assistance? What is their background? Are they related, or do they come to know each other because of similar life goals? Are there elderly among them? How will the needs of the elderly be met?

The large number of Hispanics has an impact on the community. The local Carnival grocery store, for instance, stocks items that appeal to Hispanic customers, including an array of interesting and delicious Mexican breads. In what other ways has the commercial or institutional life of the community changed because of their influx? In what ways will it change to accommodate this group in the future?

Education is important to the future of the residents. Typical of the lower class, the studies indicate that approximately one quarter of the residents have some college education. On the other hand, another one quarter of the respondents had not finished high school. Education is directly related to welfare. In John Kowalak’s study, only one person who had gone to college was a welfare recipient whereas almost all of those who did not finish high school were. What are the educational levels of the Polytechnic Heights residents? If Kowalak's study is an accurate reflection of them, education for the youth could be a major factor in upgrading the neighborhood. Have more than one quarter of the residents been to college? What is the high school drop out rate? The number subsequently getting their GED? How many go on to trade school?

The obstacles to achieving a college degree are considerable. The neighborhood bears the scars of inner-city minorities. Lower property values translate into less money for schools which directly affects the resources available to educate the youth. It would not be surprising if youth from Polytechnic Heights who attend college are not as prepared. Even with limited resources, the local schools have some notable successes. That nearly three quarters of the students in an upper level (Honors class) English class were planning to go to college shows that students are getting encouragement from their teachers. The Polytechnic High School Child Care Center, although reluctant to be studied, is instrumental in helping young women finish school, thus reducing the likelihood they will become welfare recipients and/or turn to prostitution. This last topic needs much more study. How successful is the Center? What needs are they overlooking? How many students with babies participate in their programs? There are many other education issues that need to be studied. What distinguishes the students who do well from those who do not? What are the percentages in each group? What factors contribute to academic failure? What role does criminal activity have in the high drop out rates? How successful are the students from Polytechnic Heights who go to college?

Other questions are suggested by the studies. Is there a relationship between teacher absences and the difficulties they face daily in their classrooms? What role do females play in school violence? Are fingernail files, perfume, and lighters weapons that should be noted? What is the relationship between male and female violence? Are the male students more reluctant to attack someone of a different gender? Do females provoke violence? The fact that more than 60 percent of the student respondents in one study did not feel safe at school is cause for great concern. Carrying weapons is an understandable response to that fear. These are students who have pressing social needs.

Studies of the homeless indicated that there is an urgent need to meet the needs of the underachievers. Many of the dropouts said they left school in the 8^th or 9^th grade because they were ridiculed or were in a special education class. Why was the system not able to keep their attention? Why did everyone concerned give up on them? Are there ways in which either the school or the community can meet this deficit? Perhaps it would be less expensive for us as a society to find a way to work with these individuals as youths than to provide for them as adults. Once out of the education loop, the drop-outs frequently become recipients of various assistance programs.

Other class issues, such as housing, are pertinent. Low property values impact on renovations and repairs that owners are willing to make. Are crucial repairs being neglected because of property values? Home owners will not recoup the money spent on renovation. Regardless of race, many home-owners find it difficult to repair their homes because of money. Are Hispanics less concerned about the commercial value than the livability of their home and neighborhood? Are they more or less likely to take advantage of the program of easy bank loans for home improvements, or for building new homes? A large percentage of the residents wouldn’t make major repairs even if they had the money because they aren’t home owners. Absentee landlordism is something that needs to be studied. Are landlords failing to make repairs because of the low real estate values? If so, what about living conditions? No renter should have to live with holes in their floor. An increase in condemned homes can only further depress a neighborhood.

With less public money available for the neighborhood, there are fewer public amenities and less money to spend on public services, including repair of the pot holes. The high number of immigrant residents -- legal or illegal -- compounds some of these issues, and raises others. Are residents informed about their rights, such as telephoning to complain about streets in need of repair? Does lack of city amenities impact the property values even further?

Buying habits and the health of the area need to be studied systematically. In terms of food, those on welfare or other government assistance programs do not necessarily purchase less healthy food. Hispanics as a group appear to be the most likely to buy healthy food. Are there differences in nutrition between different groups of Polytechnic residents? Do those with government assistance make more healthy purchases because the assistance programs stipulate what they can get? What is the household distribution of food? School lunch programs were made available because many children in poverty did not get adequate nutrition before attending school. It is important to know the nutritional needs of the youth.

There are fewer observations to be made in terms of family and community morale. The studies indicate that problems associated with inner city, impoverished areas are found in Polytechnic Heights. There are large numbers of teen mothers, welfare families, and a high incidences of child and spouse abuse. Teen pregnancy rates in the U.S. are the highest in the western world, and cost us billions of dollars each year. Young moms from poor neighborhoods receive less health care, have less healthy habits, and run the risk of having unhealthy babies. And that’s only part of the problem. How does the teen mother live after the baby is born? While Polytechnic Heights has not become ghettoized, there is sufficient evidence of these problems continuing to be a concern.

The interviews with local prostitutes were sobering. Seventy-three percent of them had an unhappy childhood. The same percentage had been abused as a child. These figures underscore the abuse issues raised in two of the studies. More work needs to be done to increase awareness of abuse in Polytechnic Heights and other lower socio-economic neighborhoods. Far from blaming the victim, this is a pragmatic response to statistics of abuse. The evidence continues to indicate that children who grow up with abuse in their homes are at a disadvantage when it comes to functioning in society as adults. When abuse is added to the other disadvantages of poverty, race, and gender it may be the straw that breaks the camels back, so to speak. How prevalent is abuse in the neighborhood? It would be helpful to know what distinguishes abusive homes from non-abusive homes. Homelessness is also an issue, one that needs to be addressed more coherently by city officials and administering agencies.

The studies reported here suggest that some youth have a healthy home and/or social environment. On the whole, students sampled from Polytechnic High had a more positive self-image than students at a predominantly white school in north Fort Worth. We often forget that not all the youth from a minority, lower socio-economic area are underachievers involved in criminal activity. Despite the obstacles, there are parents who provide well for their children's emotional well being. What resources do these families use to counteract the difficulties they face?

The family forms is another area of inquiry. Few of the respondents lived alone. Contrarily, the average household size of respondents was 3.3, compared to a U.S. average of 2.6. Is this indicative of the neighborhood? Is it a more densely populated area than the average neighborhood? If so, this again raises questions about city services, including schools.

None of the studies looked at drug use in Polytechnic Heights, although responses in several of the studies indicated that drugs are still a problem. School violence and prostitution both are highly correlated with drug use. This is something that needs to be studied. Similarly, none of the studies looked at gangs. One resident made the astute observation that the more interest in the neighborhood children expressed by adults the less likely they are to commit violent acts close to home. What role did police action play in the reduction of gang activity? At what point did residents get involved? Are there fewer residents who are gang members today? Where do they go if they are not active in the area?

None of the studies looked at the religious life of the community. The influx of so many people from Mexico, where the predominant religion is Catholicism, raises many interesting questions worthy of future research. Are there enough neighborhood churches to meet the residents' needs? Finally, no studies looked at government programs, their successes and failures.

The study of retention and attrition rates touches on important issues. Clearly the most appealing characteristic of the university to students -- both those who stayed and those who left -- was the type of school. Students who attend Texas Wesleyan want a small school with individual attention. Perhaps religious affiliation is important to some. The students who dropped out were undecided about their studies. Could they have been influenced to take their college work more seriously? Dorm life, involvement in the community, goal orientation, and academic achievement are factors important to retention. What was not examined is the fact that many students come to Texas Wesleyan to continue their education after attending a local community college. How does this group compare with the four year student? Noting the difference between traditional students and those who have a family and a full-time job but want to complete their education is also important. The latter take their education more seriously. They have different needs and abilities to be accommodated. Both the retention study and the study of non-traditional students were done using a scientifically selected sample, so their results can be generalized to the whole student body.

That drinking and binge drinking is common among students should come as no surprise. The University community should not be lulled into complacency about this youth problem because so few students live on campus and that there are no drinking establishments close by. More study is needed to understand this aspect of the students' lives.

It may be that apparent racial harmony at the local university contributes to harmonious relations in the surrounding area. At least some of the neighborhood youth -- those who do well in the local high school -- are potential students. So, even if it was inclined, which it doesn't appear to be, the university cannot afford to adopt any policies that can be construed as racist. At present, minorities are over-represented among the student body, yet issues of discrimination are rarely raised by anyone. The university can by no means be characterized as predominantly minority, however. There are few minority faculty and no minority administrators. Future research questions are many. Does the apparent racial harmony at the university contribute to harmonious relations in the surrounding area? What is the impact of an influx of neighborhood students to the university? Does the high proportion of minority students make the university less attractive or more attractive to non-minority students? Are the academic standards lowered to accommodate incoming students who are not as prepared. Why aren’t there more minority faculty, staff, and administrators at the university?

Lastly, surprisingly few students in the Polytechnic area consider attending Texas Wesleyan -- only 20 percent out of a class in which 3/4 of the students planned to attend college. A similarly small percentage of residents indicated that they would chose Texas Wesleyan for their children. Are these figures indicative of the entire neighborhood? If so, why aren't more people in the neighborhood looking to their local university for educational opportunities? Are local residents critical of university policies? It might be worthwhile for the university to do some public relations work in the community.

Attitude, motivation, and habits distinguish the lower class and working class, according to Banfield (1990, p. 236). The lower class is characterized by a "culture" of poverty in which youth prefer "street action" over regular employment and people living in squalor even when they have money. Polytechnic Heights seemed to be lower class according to earlier studies. The solution to such urban situations are thought to include efforts to end discrimination, provide better homes, schools and health care, job training and more employment opportunities.

Today Polytechnic Heights appears to be working class as much or more than it is lower class. Any change that has come is not because of massive improvement programs but because of its new residents. But neighborhood strengths have also contributed.

Most importantly, the physical layout of the neighborhood has mitigated regeneration. Now, as 50 years ago, it consists of single family dwellings. There was no razing of the neighborhood housing in favor of the impersonal, densely populated high rises that one finds in other inner city areas, such as Harlem. To be sure, there are homes with bars on the windows and highly guarded gas stations and corner stores, indicating that crime is not unknown. But the physical structure of the neighborhood has remained in tact. Why does that matter? It matters because the small single family dwellings preserve the possibility of neighborhood closeness.

Based on the pessimism of early sociologists, many theorists concluded that urban areas by their nature have less personal, gesellschaft relationships (Lyon p. 95). Loss of community spells alienation, isolation, and a loss of attachment to the area and its future. Coincidentally, these were the same problems identified in the inner city areas, especially those with high rises with few safe places for children to play, little greenery, places where people retreat behind massive locks out of fear. With the single family dwellings preserved, there is the possibility of community ties based on proximity and human interaction. The greenery and yards where children play make it less likely that resident relationships will be impersonal and distant.

Another important physical factor is the location of the neighborhood. Polytechnic Heights is close but not too close to the city center. Although several main highways are easily accessible, it is not necessary to use them to get to the downtown. On the other hand, the neighborhood is not surrounded by large, impersonal buildings which are deserted in the evening hours, nor is it surrounded by industrial complexes. It is a rather pleasant area of the city with a large city park, a pleasant view from streets near the university and the high school, with easy access to the zoo, museums and other centers. While there are few stores in Polytechnic Heights, almost all goods are available in the shops located ten to fifteen minutes by car in any direction.

The composition of the residents has already been discussed above. It may be that the low cost, single family dwellings were what attracted the Hispanic residents -- many of whom don’t speak English and are oblivious to the despair of the inner city. The eagerness with which they invest in the neighborhood appears to be bringing a new sense of pride and vitality into the community. Hispanic families are, for the most part, larger and more stable thus contribute positively to the neighborhood. Thus has the "culture" of poverty been diluted. Some analyses of minority areas have looked almost exclusively at racial interactions, with the higher percentage of minorities indicating the likelihood of problems. Minorities have not decreased in Polytechnic Heights in the last decade, but the composition has changed.

Another strength of Polytechnic Heights is, ironically, the very group some researchers pitied for their frailty and difference. The spunky elderly residents that we interviewed do not hide from the problems in their neighborhood, but face them squarely. They volunteer in local service organizations to better the lives of their neighbors, and as a result, their own lives. They informally organize neighborhood watches and participate in other activities to reduce the opportunity for youthful crime. If those we interviewed are any indication, the elderly residents have not recoiled from their surroundings but used their skills to help. Their care for their community and for each other, regardless of race, may well be infectious!

A major asset of Polytechnic Heights, one which cannot be underestimated, is the presence of Texas Wesleyan University. At the very least, the stature of its buildings mitigate against the impression of a run-down depressed area of the city. Beyond that, the university is a source of employment, a source of educational opportunity and a source of customers for local businesses. It is a source of security and culture for area residents who care to avail themselves of what the university has to offer. University-sponsored programs are a source of betterment and encouragement. A further advantage is that unlike a church, which relies on resident members for its support, the university's income does not come from the area. The university policy of embracing the community eliminates the barriers between the university and the rest of the community. The high number of minority students contributes to the approachability and perhaps racial harmony.

Theorists seem to agree that a great deal of time and effort is needed to change a community and even then the results are often less than promising (Lyon 1989, p. 110; Banfield 1990, p. xi). Polytechnic Heights seems to have changed in the best possible way -- naturally, with spontaneous and sporadic input from numerous well-meaning individuals. The physical necessities of a community -- public safety, strong economy, adequate health care and education, and a clean and healthy environment (Lyon 1989), are not out of reach to neighborhood residents today. Economics is the big question at present.

The subjective necessities -- individual liberty, categorical equality, communal fraternity, representative responsive government, local identification, residential heterogeneity -- are also within reach. The image of the community in the eyes of others needs to be improved, and government investment in the area could be greater.

The future is hopeful for Polytechnic Heights. Future studies should look at the area less as an example of the depressed inner city than as yet another example of the American enterprising spirit at work. It is not a community that has been modernized, hence it has many physical needs. But it retains some of the charm of a less hurried time. It is a multi-ethnic area with its own indelible stamp of communal activities. It is not a long established traditional neighborhood. It may never have a set of residents whose families live here more than a generation. Small houses get out-grown. At some point hard working people either add on, rebuild, or move to a larger house. It is a community that, at present, still has a large number of persons living in poverty who need all the various community programs.