Several sociologists have identified two dimensions of spirituality, the horizontal and the vertical. McFadden (1990:133) thinks of the "horizontal dimension of spiritual maturity" as psychological, whereas the vertical dimension has to do with the numinous. Moberg developed his well-being scale based on a two-dimensional construct consisting of vertical (spiritual health and quality of life) and horizontal (relationship to others, purpose in life, and life satisfaction) (Ledbetter, Smith, Fischer, Vosler-Hunter, and Chew 1991:94). In relationship to spiritual healing, McGuire (1993) notes that there are two prominent paradigms, transcendent healing (emphasizing spiritual, emotional and social well-being) and immanent healing (unleashing the untapped resources within the individual). Moberg (1990) sees it as two approaches to spiritual development - one intrinsically oriented (those who deny self) and one extrinsically oriented (those who seek to realize "self"). Another sociologist who thinks of spirituality in terms of horizontal (meaning surface structures) and vertical (meaning deep structures) is Ken Wilber (1983).

Feminist spirituality could be described as a horizontal spirituality - working toward more meaningful vertical structures through a horizontal process of what Wilber (1983) calls "translation" (undoing the distortions). Implicit in the idea of horizontal spirituality is the intimate connection between the horizontal and the vertical, or social relationships and spiritual relationships (Harrison 1989:214); in fact, they reflect each other. Thus, by this way of thinking, the state of social structures will be affected by a person’s spiritual structures. Social injustices, thus, must be rectified to ensure spiritual clarity, since the goal is both horizontal and vertical emancipation (Wilber 1983).

Feminist spirituality is revolutionary, or at least reformist (Plaskow and Christ 1989:7; Putney-Hyde 1995:6), so the "translation" process takes courage because it threatens the status quo and stirs deep passions, both positive and negative (Putney-Hyde 1995:8). Emotionalism, embodiment, gender and connectedness are not valued in our rational and scientific 20th century western culture. The challenge from feminist spirituality is frequently met with rejection (Putney-Hyde 1995:9), which makes repeated challenges more raw and defiant: patriarchy, as the unyielding force of tradition becomes the enemy. Challenges become more extreme, as well: a lesbian society is no more realistic than the Shaker vow of celibacy, and over time a matriarchy may be no more benevolent than a patriarchy (studies indicate that it is the subordinate who exhibits characteristics traditionally thought of as feminine). Anger is generated by the resistance (Putney-Hyde 1995:16) but it is, for those in the feminist spirituality movement, a positive force.

There are two different challenges of feminist spirituality. One is the challenge of those who would reform the socio-religious structure and culture. This, generally, is the challenge of feminists within Jewish and Christian institutions who are pressing for ordination (for instance, the Catholic Woman-Church movement is primarily concerned with ordination, Trebbi 1993), and "a new language about God and for greater ecclesiastical recognition of women’s needs and contributions" (Putney-Hyde 1995:5). This also includes the more revolutionary "counter-cultural Goddess movement" led by Mary Daly (Putney-Hyde 1995:5). The other is a more fearful challenge that addresses even the darkest forces. This is the challenge of Wicca and witchcraft, which will be discussed in the next section. Most feminists interested in religion identify themselves with either feminist spirituality or Wicca, or both. However, not all women who are interested in feminist spirituality identify with Wicca, and they are even less likely to identify with rituals and beliefs of the occult. The overlap of these groups makes it logical to discuss them all in one chapter, but the reader must take care not to assume that they are all one and the same. They will be discussed in order in which they appear in the title.

History is important to women in the feminist spirituality movement, because they know that women’s consciousness of themselves as female developed after male consciousness. "For many centuries the talents of women were directed not toward self-development but toward realizing themselves through the development of a man" (Lerner 1993:11). Because women had less education, less opportunity, and no coherent record of the progression of other women’s thought, their development was slower. In fact, as a group, they did not progress, but re-invented their place in each era. "Many women reasoned their way to an understanding that their condition was societally determined (and it contradicted their inner spiritual life). For over a thousand years women reinterpreted the biblical texts in a massive feminist critique, yet their marginalization in the formation of religious and philosophical thought prevented this critique from ever engaging the minds of men who had appointed themselves as the definers of divine truth and revelation" (Lerner 1993:275).

St. Augustine constructed the first "authentic self" in the 5th century A.D., but it was not until Hildegard of Bingen, in the 12th century, that women had a public role. Hildegard combined spirituality, moral authority and public activism: "God spoke to Hildegard, and not only did she believe it and know it, but she made those around her believe it and know it" (Lerner 1993:52). Women’s contribution to Christian mysticism is out of proportion to their numbers. During the 14th and 15th centuries, one in four of the saints were women. Yet in a recent study, 40% of the saints known for mystic contemplation and 45% of the saints known for visionary experiences came from the women, who were only 17% the sample (Lerner 1993:71).

Not all women were as fortunate as Hildegard or the mystics. Denied authority within the church, many women joined heretical groups; leadership and authority were shared with them so long as the groups remained small and loosely structured (Lerner 1993:74). But after a time, male dominance usually reasserted itself, one way or another. During the medieval period, that sometimes meant annihilation. For example, the Cathar women’s convents, founded in the second half of the 12th century for unmarried daughters and widows of the lower nobility. Under a male perfectae and bishop, they not only did teaching and weaving, but proselytized and performed religious ceremonies (Lerner 1993:76). By the 13th century, they were given a choice of recanting or burning. 140 men and women chose to burn. As the crusaders terrorized the locals, many defended them, but a century later the Cathars had disappeared.

Another example are the communities of all-women Beguines (lay women pledged to poverty, chastity, manual labor and communal worship) that developed because of the attitude of the church towards women (Lerner 1993:77). Beguines flourished in the 13th century, but were halted by claims of heresy and witchcraft in the 14th century. "Whatever motivation women may have had for becoming mystics, it was more difficult and hazardous for women than for men to make claims to mystical experiences and to sainthood" (Lerner 1993:77).

It was impossible for a woman to be made a saint, or even to have revelations, without a male protector and promoter. In the 13th century, Guglielma of Milan claimed she was the incarnation of the Holy Spirit and the bodily equal of Christ, through whom men and women had to go through for redemption. A woman was selected to represent her as a true Pope (Lerner 1993:91). Like women in the Beguines and Cathars, Guglielma and her followers were condemned as heretics during the Inquisition. Other women with revelations, such as Prous Boneta who proclaimed that salvation was possible through her, were also "accused of witchcraft and burned at the stake in the next two centuries" (Lerner 1993:92). The experiences of these women were thus lost to us because the male dominated religion did not value their views. "Each visionary, crazy woman, wrestling with the deep questions of the theological definition of humanness that eliminated her from God’s design, played out her local limited role and vanished" (Lerner 1993:92).

After the Protestant Reformation, women continued to see their role as equal to men, even without the historical heritage. A Polish Jewish woman named Sarah Rebecca Rachel Leah Horowitz, daughter of a rabbi and learned in the Talmud, wrote that women "must fully use the powers given to them in their traditional roles, and that their spiritual powers are greater than they realize" (Lerner 1993:112). Margaret Fox, the wife of Quaker founder George Fox, used the scriptures to defend women’s participation in the religious life and their active role in biblical history (Lerner 1993:100). Another Quaker, Sarah Moore Grimke wrote a reinterpretation of the Biblical text claiming equality of the sexes (Lerner 1993:160). Others advocated women as preachers. Nicolas von Zinzendorf, founder of the Moravian brethren of Pietists, thought that men should "become more female in their nature" in order to be saved, and women were more effective preachers because they had more emotional conviction than men (Lerner 1993:99). In the U.S., African American Isabella Baumfree called herself Sojourner Truth. Born a slave, she became a voice for her race, her sex and her religion (Lerner 1993:106). The resistance of the traditional churches led some women came to condemn the church altogether. In 1878, Matilda Gage said that "the Bible and the orthodox church were the two greatest obstacles in the way of women’s advancement" (Lerner 1993:163).

Protestant revelations by women included millennial visions. Ann Vetter, a German Pietist, had visions of helping to give birth to a boy child, born out of the heart of god (Lerner 1993:94). Quaker Jemima Wilkinson changed her name to Publick Universal Friend after a near death experience, and set out to establish a utopian community (Lerner 1993:102). Shaker Ann Lee, originally a Quaker, had a vision that "lustful gratification of the flesh (was) the source and foundation of human corruption" and that Shaker celibacy would hasten the coming of the millennium (Lerner 1993:102).

An 18th century English woman, Joanna Southcott, heard voices telling her she had a mission to save souls.

She subsequently published her revelations and gained a following of between 14,000-30,000 people, the majority of whom were women (Lerner 1993:104; Hall 1976:94). She was a "sincere and morally upright" person, whose final vision was that she was to bear a son named Shiloh, who was to be the Second Coming of the Messiah. A number of doctors verified that she was pregnant (she was in her mid-60s), but she died rather than give birth. "The autopsy revealed a swollen condition of the womb" (Hall 1976:96).

In modern times, women continue to have spiritual experiences within the church, although they are not always recognized. In an upper middle class Presbyterian women’s study group, Davie found that visionary and supernatural experiences were camouflaged and contained. "Fifteen out of 18 women had had supernatural experiences that formed and undergirded their deepest religious beliefs: a near-death experience, visions, precognitive dreams" (Davie 1995:5). Their experiences sometimes led them to non-traditional personal beliefs, but neither the beliefs or the experience were shared with others in the study group; sometimes they were not shared with anyone. Yet, they felt comfort in each other’s company (the study group), as if they sensed the similarities.

Brenda Basher notes religious experiences were common among charismatic women and that females enclaves have a special role in the spiritual life of the members. "During the years studying these congregations, every woman I interviewed had at least one religious experience to relate. Multiple religious experiences were substantially less frequent" (Basher 1995:3). Experiences happen in worship situations where the women have more authority and are not marginalized: at home, in enclave events, and in services where women help lead. "In female enclaves, the hierarchy of ideas over experiences vanishes. Female enclaves embrace religious ideas and religious experiences thereby abetting a distinct mind/body integration" (Basher 1995:7). Interpretation is an important part of the subjective experiences. One woman explained that what she used to think was a "real insightful" idea, she now interprets as the Lord speaking to her (Basher 1995:9). Many experiences - dreams, voices, or visions - have a sensory connection:

Boyd (1995) found that women were attracted to her class on Women, Religion and Spirituality because it talked about spirituality rather than religion. Many of her students had rebelled against religion and the church, but felt guilty about doing so. She theorizes that women need to share their spiritual journey with other women, to strengthen their feelings of legitimacy in their experiences.

Like Basher, Gillespie (1995a) found a physiological element in her studies of spirituality in women. In relating their deep spirituality, there was a point at which many of the women she interviewed cried. That was the point at which it was most meaningful to the woman. In her study of 240 women from four different congregations in four different regions around the country, Gillespie (1995b:224, 219) found that the feminine "style of spirituality or consciousness" is still developing and growing, but it is different from the predominant masculine spirituality ensconced in scripture, theology and most sermons. The four congregations in her study all valued women’s clergy leadership as a "source of vitality" during times of change. Feminist spirituality for the women she interviewed meant relatedness and self-disclosure, aspects often devalued as weak even in religion (Gillespie 1995b:14). Their spirituality was based on a "concrete, lived reality" rather than theology; moments of inarticulation were when they were striving to be the most authentic. "They were exercising special care to use words that could honestly apply to their own experience" (Gillespie 1995b:199). Women are still intimidated by men when it comes to sharing their spiritual quest, leading Gillespie to conclude that women must support each other. Although the younger women challenged the church as an institution, they valued the community as a connection to something larger than themselves, and as an "impetus" to self improvement (Gillespie 1995b:202). And finally, the women she interviewed wanted to include Sophia, a feminine aspect of God, in their concept of the divine. "Men don’t understand why women want or need to do it; many women are not yet comfortable exploring it or using it in worship" (Gillespie 1995:215).

Bringing the Goddess into worship occurred in 1972, at a second conference devoted to women. The conference was held at Grailville; a participant describes her experience.

This experience brought a "profound sense of community," and "shattered" images of women as dependent persons. "To be fed only male images of the divine is to be badly malnourished. We are starving for images that recognize the sacredness of the feminine and the complexity, richness and nurturing power of female energy" (Morton 1989:120).

In recent years, feminist spirituality has made efforts to include the experiences of minority women, whose indigenous worship also incorporates a female goddess. Baird-Olson and Ward (1995) found that those women most able to survive in an environment of abuse and violence among Assiniboine and Sioux women in Montana, were those who adhered to traditional American Indian spirituality. The revered feminine model of the White Buffalo Calf woman, is the one with integrity, courage, honesty and generosity. "They were strong spiritual warriors who balanced family, community and personal needs (and) ...realized if they gave up their mystic gifts, they would become like materialistic white people" (Baird-Olson and Ward 1995:22). The mystical gifts of the White Buffalo Calf woman include extrasensory perception as well as mystic qualities of being grateful, humble, realizing you are not in control, and keeping control of the ego (Baird-Olson and Ward 1995:23). Power among the tribal people is related to the relationships between the human and nonhuman worlds. Allen looks to the American Indian Thought-Woman as a

In November of 1993, several mainline churches (Methodist, Presbyterian, Church of Christ, Lutheran, Church of the Brethren, American Baptist) along with the World Council of Churches, sponsored a "Re-Imaging Conference" in Minneapolis, attended by some 2,000 women with an overflow of more than a thousand. The goal was to revitalize the church and society by "re-imagining" important aspects of Christian religion. Feminist theology, defined as "an American-based religious movement whose participants hope to empower women and maintain a healthier planet by overturning patriarchal attitudes and social structures that oppress women and threaten the natural environment," was the predominant perspective (Putney Hyde 1995:4). There were four important themes: 1) women have suffered under patriarchy, 2) God is immanent in creation, not transcendent, 3) individual experience of God is essential to one’s belief, and 4) the Bible should be reinterpreted to recognize women’s voices (Putney-Hyde 1995:3). The conference included prayers to Sophia, who is seen as "the suppressed part of the biblical tradition, the personification of the feminine in the scriptures and clearly the female face of the human psyche" (Putney-Hyde 1995:7). These prayers and a spontaneous recognition of gays and lesbians made the conference particularly objectionable to conservative Christians. The Women’s Division of the Methodist Church’s Board of Global Ministries has become one of the targets of complaint, and its head, a main organizers of the Re-imaging Conference, subsequently resigned (Putney-Hyde 1995:10). The Presbyterian Church, which also supported the conference, was highly critical of the values displayed. The World Council of Churches, however, maintained its support (Putney-Hyde 1995:11).

The difficulty in describing spirituality among Wiccans (or Witches, or the Craft) is that there are at least three different types of Wiccan groups, and a host of variations on each of the those. Added to the confusion is the collection of related groups - Druids, shamans, magicians, and even Satanists, who also call themselves Pagans, or NeoPagans. From time to time, they all meet together with Wiccans for Festivals. Estimates of their numbers vary, as well, from 35,000 pagans in Great Britain (Burnett 1991:212), to 100,000 practicing Wiccans in the U.S. (Shapiro and Glick 1993 (1993), to a "conservative" estimate of a few hundred thousand U.S. pagans (Orion 1995:2). One reason it is so hard to pin down numbers is that until fairly recently, most Wiccan were very secretive. Even today, it is possible to participate regularly in a pagan group and never know the legal names of other members (Neitz 1993:358). Wiccans who made themselves available for study in Britain were middle class, young (70% between the ages of 20 to 40), less educated (only 21% had attended university), computer literates (80% use computers) (Burnett 1991:212). A U.S. study, by a fellow Wiccan using a snowball sample, revealed that female, protestant, urban democrats were the majority; three quarters had four or more years of college, four-fifths earned less than the median income, but the majority were happy with their jobs (Orion 1995:63). In both countries, the majority of members are women; feminism is a major "road" to becoming involved in Wicca (Burnett 1991:97).

Most feminists are Dianic Wiccans. The extreme feminist groups, exemplified by Zsuzsanna Budapest’s Susan B. Anthony Coven of Los Angeles, are women-only covens (Neitz 1993:367). They routinely mix spiritual and political issues, are less structured, less likely to require formal training, initiation or specific clothing. They are less likely to use titles or give deference to the skilled or experienced women, and more likely to celebrate women’s physical experiences (menstruation, birthing and menopause) as important to a holistic worship of life (Neitz 1993:367). Gardner emphasized a balance of the male and female power, but Dianic Wiccans celebrate the legitimate and independent female power (Neitz 1993:361) as a way to redress the imbalance of a male-dominated society. Dianic Wiccans also emphasize the bonds between women, particularly mother and daughter, rather than bonds between men and women (Neitz 1993:361). Less radical feminists are exemplified by the covens associated with Morgan McFarland in Dallas, where both priests and priestesses are formally trained (Neitz 1993:367). They object to the feminists’ disregard of the traditions, especially initiation, hierarchy and the balancing of male and female (Neitz 1993:368-9).

To some extent, Dianic Wiccans and other neopagans have learned to accommodate each other. There are now all male and all female circles at pagan festivals, and all types of Dianic Wicca are likely to cooperate in area councils or projects (Neitz 1993:369). Together the neopagans and the Dianic Wiccans have made inroads into the thinking of non-pagan political feminists who initially regarded all religion as repressive and patriarchal. Today it is not uncommon for Wiccan imagery and traditions to be included at political gatherings, although they make up only approximately 30% of the feminists (Eller 1991:279).

Most Wiccans and pagans will tell you that they are worshipping in a pre-Christian rather than in a Christian manner. Most sources, however, identify modern Wicca as beginning with Gerald Gardner, a Britain whose books stimulated interest in the subject during the 1950s (Neitz 1993:359; Burnett 1991:75; Schnoebelen 1990:22). The Book of Shadows, regarded as the witches’ bible or law book and sometimes passed off as a centuries old document, is also likely to have been written by Gardner, with the help of occultist, Aleister Crowley (Schnoebelen 1990:22; Burnett 1991:75). "It must not be assumed that the new pagans are merely trying to copy the ancient rituals of the Celts and Germanic peoples. The lack of archaeological information would make this an impossible task" (Burnett 1991:158). Despite the considerable evidence that Wicca originated in the minds of a few people within the 20th century, most Wiccan identify with the sentiment that their nature-worship, centered on a benevolent goddess and unrestricted by traditional western religion, is a revival of Celtic or other early European peoples (Orion 1995:1). "Witchcraft as it came out of England was romantic and nostalgic. It looked backward to a time before the twentieth century" (Neitz 1993:359). Orion (1995:19) counters the apparent lack of historical heritage by describing a book of myths and spells said to be from a woman descended from an old witch family, transcribed by an American folklorist Charles Godfrey Leland, and published in 1899. Others are more open about the lack of historical connection, and freely acknowledge Wicca as a New Religious Movement (Finley 1991).

In some ways, whether the connection to pre-Christian tradition is legitimate or not is irrelevant. Feminist reconstruction of standard Western history puts matriarchies at the beginning of history, and "traces their overthrow by patriarchal powers from 4500-2500 B.C.E" (Eller 1991:281). Matriarchies symbolize a society that is free of war and oppression, where power is non-possessive,and where society lives in harmony with nature (Eller 1991:287). This view of history points to a time when "society will be returned to ‘gynocentric,’ life-loving values" (Eller 1991:281).

Women, because of their holistic view of the world, are in a unique position to lead society "away from the dualisms of the patriarchy" (Eller 1991:289). Some feminists have even developed a new dating system, beginning 8000 B.C.E. In this new system, 1996 becomes 9996 A.D.A. (After the Development of Agriculture) (Eller 1991:283). Even within conventional concept of history, some feminists insist that there were matriarchies in the Middle East and Southern Eurasia because of the many female figurines found at religious sites (Eller 1991:284). Goodison (1992:300), who studied pre-Knosos Mycenaean civilization in Crete for evidence of a goddess, found that the "female principle was central to their religion; it was central to the ideas and rituals through which they attempted to make sense of the world and their place in it." Orion (1995:79) looks to Egypt and Western occult traditions as the source of Wicca. "The Western spiritual tradition is the product of the merging of the remains of pre-literate religions of the Mediterranean and the Middle East...The product was a practical, spiritual way - an attempt to understand the self, the world and the divine" (Orion 1995:80).

Worship of the Goddess is a major part of Wicca. The female deity represents "‘mother nature,’ and honoring her is a way to begin restoring the balance to a society threatened with extinction by technological rationality" (Neitz 1993:355). Despite the fact that it is thought to be immanent rather than transcendent (as the masculine god), the goddess does not interfere in human affairs. "It is not that she is distant from her worshipers, who must live within the history set in motion by the patriarchy - quite the contrary, she is a radically immanent deity" (Eller 1991:293). She is a "kind of energy or life force present in all living beings," implying a world that is alive, interconnected and responsive to the manipulations of its invisible forces (Luff 1991:95). Witches using Jungian imagery, see the Goddess as an archetypal figure of nurturing, making her primary but non-theological (Neitz 1993:356). The moon is often a symbol of the Goddess, and the moon’s three phases correspond to the three stages in a woman’s life: youth or the maid, maturity and old age or the crone (Luff 1991:95; Horsfall 1996). Neitz (1989:355) contends that although worship of the goddess began among the Wiccans, it is its growing acceptance among feminists at large that has increased it importance.

Witches meet in small groups called covens, traditionally of no more than 13 but in practice as large as 100. Covens meet at appropriate times (solstice, etc.) and dictated by nature and the desire of the members. Gardner proscribed homosexual couples in covens (Neitz 1993:369), but today there are gay covens and lesbian covens and mixed gender covens for whom homosexuality may or may not be a concern (Luff 1990:99). Members of covens meet together with other pagans up to eight times a year to celebrate Sabbaths, or festivals; they gather at secret sites (because some participants go "sky clad" or nude, this is always on privately owned property) arranged by organizations such as the Council of Magical Arts (Horsfall 1996). Other pagan organizations include the Pagan Alliance of Central Texas, and the international Pagan Federation.

Another important feature of Wicca is the development of powers, or magic, the perception of a reality not yet discovered by science (Luff 1990:97). The development of psychic power, which is encouraged, is ultimately for the purpose of willfully changing consciousness. Power can be generated or directed by those with knowledge; passions and emotions are vitally important to the process, and Wiccans learn to trust their feelings. Anger, as for the non-Wiccan feminist spiritualists, is not considered a negative emotion, but a signal that something is wrong (Luff 1990:96). Love, especially love for all of creation, is especially important, but it is not the "airy flower power of the hippies or the formless abstracted agape of early Christians," but rather the "passionate, sensual, personal love" found in the relationship between a mother and child, between lovers, and in "the love of one unique human being for other individuals" (Starhawk in Luff 1990:96).

Magic is learned in covens, where a group mind is developed, and the "barriers between individual’s psyches are reduced " (Burnett 1991:167, 173). The life force that exists in all things is also found in the human spirit. "For Neopagans, the energy that infuses, creates and sustains the physical body moves in emotions, feelings and thoughts and is the underlying fabric of the material world. Each human being is an energy pattern that many people can literally see and feel" (Orion 1995:108). Eighty-nine percent of the sample in a study by Orion (1995:122), a sociologist and Wiccan, thought that auras existed, or could see them (Orion 1995:122). Training in magic is helpful in inviting and controlling the creative encounter (Orion 1995:211). "At the heart of the creative process is the break with one’s normal self-world relationships, which resembles madness. The experience has been called unitary reality, or participation mystique because in the throes of it, one feels part of the totality of existence" (Orion 1995:210-211). Shape shifting, or taking on the form of an animal, is a deliberate magical transformation.

Wicca rituals are diverse, ranging from spontaneous, locally derived rituals (Neitz 1993:363) to more traditional practices, derived from the Book of Shadows. Forming a circle is important to most rituals, creating a boundary between the rest of the world and the Goddess. Energy can be raised by a group, drawn down from the sky, raised from the earth, or channeled from other people (Orion 1995:110)."Gardner’s Wiccans danced naked in a ring within a magick circle, had ritual sex on solemn occasions, and whipped one another ceremonially to purify and raise the power" (Schnoebelen 1990:15-16). Today, ritual nudity is not mandatory, and many covens do not adhere to it, although some do (Orion 1995:23). Going "sky-clad to festivals, however, is quite common. Ritual flagellation, which is practiced, symbolizes the tenet that "‘You must be willing to suffer to learn’" (Orion 1995:22). Ritual sex, or the Great Rite, is a celebration of the coming together of opposites to release even more energy; many covens use a chalice of wine penetrated by the goddess dagger, or leave the priest and priestess to enact the rite in private (Orion 1995:37, 39). "In Wicca, the stimulation of erotic energy figures among the techniques for raising energy for effecting magical transformation or miracles. ...For contemporary witches, eros and the sexual embrace merge in the great rite, which is both magic and worship" (Orion 1995:91). The ritual helps one let go of fears or angers. "The purpose of all rituals is to alter consciousness. The goal is for participants to experience first-hand their own power and connectedness to other living creatures; to become aware of this on levels other than the intellectual" (Luff 1990:100). The traditional separation of the sacred and the profane is not stressed in Wicca rituals. "There is very little segregation of sacred objects...The more Americanized witches take pleasure in using simple kitchen tools as ceremonial ones" (Orion 1995:118).

Most witches also incorporate some form of healing in their worship. "One aspect of the feminist movement has been to reclaim the healing powers of women through the creation of female-centered rituals that bring participants together to heal themselves as well as others who are seeking a meaningful spiritual identification" (Jacobs 1993:374). Ecstasy is essential to healing, whether it occurs in a mundane, or spiritual setting (Neitz 1993:356). Communal bonding; sharing the suffering felt by each individual, releasing the hurt and anger, sometimes through symbolically smashing eggs or burning names of perpetrators, are the steps taken in one group that was studied (Jacobs 1993:376). Finally, a guided meditation re-established the community bonds.

Some witches develop a special capacity for healing and many witches and pagans believe there are supernatural causes for some illnesses.

Orion (1995:158) contrasts the physician, who conquer disease, with the witches, who stand by and "empower the patient to heal her or himself." The witch must earn the right to heal others be restoring their own lives to health. "Many witch healers are clairvoyant (able to see or feel blockages in energy fields surrounding people or the disease process)...Others see or intuit their diagnosis in the form of pictures or stories" (Orion 1995:195). Since sickness may begin on either the physical, mental, spiritual or social levels, it is important to address all of them in the healing process.

Sorcery and magic has been a part of every civilization. A treatise on magic by King Solomon has been a standard reference book for magicians since the 14th century (Hill and Williams 1965:160). Rationalist Greeks were skeptical of its power, but because the Persian Magi were the first to discover Christ, the early Christians did not deny its spiritual force. Nevertheless, the early Church Fathers thought magicians were in league with the Devil, and an office of exorcism was devised to counter possession by demons (EB 1967:570). The suspicion of magicians may have been stimulated by the considerable reputation of black magician Simon Magus, who had unusual powers, including the ability to move heavy furniture and levitate (Wilson 1973:209, 210). Legend has it that he was challenged by St. Peter (Wilson 1975:29).

In the Middle Ages, the legend of Dr. Faustus captured the European imagination for five centuries. Born in Germany in 1491, Faustus was a medical doctor and had a degree in divinity, but was said to have made a pact with the devil. Although it is not exactly biographical, an anecdote from the earliest (and presumably most accurate) account of Faustus illustrates the powers he was thought to have as an illusionist..

Cornelius Agrippa, author of ‘Occult Philosophy,’ was born 5 years before Faustus, also in Germany (Wilson 1973:233). A "natural mystic," he met with disaster all his life. Two wives died, a third left him in ruins; he was constantly being driven out of town because of clashes with the clergy; his appointment as court physician ended without pay and without the freedom to leave; critics claimed that his writings contradicted each other. But there are many stories about his magic - he paid in gold coins that later turned into shells, he had a black dog for a familiar (helping spirit) that jumped into the river. The most dramatic incident is that of an unsuspecting student who managed to get into his locked workroom, and upon reading his book of spells, unwittingly summoned a demon who strangled the student. When Agrippa realized what had happened, he ordered the demon to restore the boy to life for a short time. The boy subsequently got up, and walked to the marketplace where he collapsed and died. (Wilson 1973:237). Magic, for Agrippa, has to do with the power of the mind and imagination at work in the mysterious "spider’s web" that connects the universe, the human body, and the higher spiritual worlds together. Unlike most people who see themselves as existing separate from the things in the universe, the magician "knows that his thought, if properly directed, can set the web vibrating and cause effects in far distant places" (Wilson 1975:65). Agrippa’s claims of contact with the dead, and summoning of demon spirits point to his talent as a medium (Wilson 1973:238). The Occult Philosophy’ was written when he was only 23, with much taken from the Jewish Kabala, but because of the Inquisition, he insisted his knowledge was not at all extraordinary, but could be found by any serious student (Wilson 1975:65).

Another famous magician, Paracelsus was born in 1493 in Switzerland. He became a famous doctor, well known for his magical powers of healing. He thought that the doctor’s instinct for healing came from God; health is harmony between man and nature, and the doctor should heal the soul as well as the body. However, "He was noisy, eccentric, dogmatic - ‘always drunk and always lucid’" (Wilson 1973:241, so that he was denounced by his colleagues and spent the last of his life as a wanderer, writing books which were published after his death. "‘Man is not body. The heart, the spirit, is man...If therefore a man is perfect in his heart, nothing in the wholelight of Nature is hidden from him,’" he wrote (Wilson 1973:242). Paracelsus thought that humans were "small models" of the universe, and imagination is what allowed a person to light up the "inner spaces," revealing meaning and "begetting" the spirit (Wilson 1973:243).

Dr. John Dee, born 1527 in England, was one of the most highly regarded magicians of Shakespeare’s time. After reading Agrippa’s book, he went to the continent to study magic. "It must be remembered that magic and science were closely linked at that time; even mathematics were regarded as a magical study, with Pythagoras as its prophet" (Wilson 1973:269). Later, with an Irishman named Kelley, Dee conjured up spirits, on numerous occasions, always after several days of training which included abstaining from sex, and alcohol.

The Kabala, the Jewish book of secret knowledge, was important to the development of European magic. As one of the oldest systems of mystical thought in the world

With the rise of science in the 1600s, some of the popular attraction to magic shifted. Up to that time, many of the famous magicians were physicians. After that some of the interest turned to the development of psychic powers, eventually leading to hypnotism. Swiss, Franz Anton Mesmer, born in 1734, developed a theory of ‘animal magnetism,’ believing that the fluids in human bodies were susceptible to movement by magnetic forces (Wilson 1975:72). Miraculous cures were effected, but people complained his healing sessions looked like orgies. He was rejected by his colleagues as a charlatan.

Others, both good and bad, developed their mesmerizing, or hypnotic powers and became famous for them - Casanova, Saint-Germain, Count Alessandro di Cagliostro. One particularly ominous Frenchman, Castellan, was feared for the way in which he was able to hypnotized young women, inducing them to travel with him (Wilson 1975:61).

Others turned to the magical practices themselves. The first book on magic since Agrippa’s was written in 1801 by Francis Barrett: "The Magus or Celestial Intelligencer." Magicians today don’t consider it very authoritative, but its appearance was significant (Wilson 1975:85). Another man, known as Eliphas Levi, born in 1819 and trained as a priest, left the priesthood to pursue the power of magic. On one occasion he tried to call forth the Greek magician Apollonius, which he described.

In 1877, W. Wescott formed the Order of the Golden Dawn, a society devoted to using magic rituals to open the pathways to the beyond (Wilson 1975:94-96). Among its members were the poet Yeats, and Aleister Crowley. Crowley later formed his own society in 1907, after being expelled from the Golden Dawn. Crowley disliked his father’s religion, the Plymouth Brethren and had an obsession for sex, so that the peak of his magical practices became sex magic, which he claimed heightened his self-awareness. His cold-heartedness is seen in the desertion of a climbing team in the Himalayas, and desertion of his wife and baby in India (the baby died of typhoid and his wife later died insane). The motto of his magic was "Do as thou wilt," and the effect he had on people "who came into contact with him was like (a) demon: few escaped from his inner circle with their reason unimpaired" (Wilson 1975:102). Crowley’s writing is central to the current revival of interest in magic, including Anton Le Vey’s brand of Satanism. Dion Fortune’s "The Mystical Qabalah" and Crowley’s "Magick in Theory and Practice" are two cornerstone books of modern occultism (Wilson 1973:205). Black magic today typically includes doing and saying sacred things backwards, such as in the ritual black mass; initiation usually requires the performance of an evil action, maybe even criminal action. "Modern occultism offers something traditional religion does not have - an alternative scientific paradigm coupled with a scientifically controllable belief system" (Ben-Yehuda 1985:101). Those attracted to occult practices tend to be more educated and probably white collar workers (Ben-Yehuda 1985:76). There are few studies of occult practitioners, and even fewer of those who practice black magic.

Charms, spells, ceremonies, and effigies are among the practices common to magic. Wilson theorizes that it is nothing but the psychic powers of the individual which he calls "Faculty X." Everyone has a "biological destiny to evolve Faculty X" (Wilson 1973:176), but, in fact, only 5% do, the same percentage who are biologically dominant. During the Korean war, the Chinese separated the enterprising American prisoners from the passive ones. They found the enterprising prisoners were exactly one in twenty, and when they were removed, the rest could be left with almost no guard at all (Wilson 1973:63). "The magicians, witch doctors, witches and mediums have been those members of the dominant 5 per cent who have developed their natural powers" (Wilson 1973:64).

Perhaps Wilson’s Faculty X is drawn out by the initiation ceremony, that is consistently found among all practicing magicians; a process whereby the person "dies" and is reborn. "Sometimes this process takes place as a series of external events; sometimes it is experienced inwardly, though no less really, in the loneliness that the candidate must endure" (Hill and Williams 1965:169). In most traditions, the magician is then trained by a master, except in Western Europe, where there were no masters. Western magicians trained themselves, and their initiation ceremonies were self-induced. The goal is acquire control over invisible forces by associating symbols with a corresponding (emotional) force so that the thought of the symbol brings "a surge of emotional energy" (Hill and Williams 1965:170). The tools of the magician are the same as they have been throughout history, emotions, senses, intellect, and will.

But is all magic evil? Primitive magic is often composed of religion, medicine and science all rolled into one, as is some of the early European magic. Shamanistic magic is generally considered benevolent. Some of the early European magicians were not exactly malevolent - Paracelsus thought the healing instinct came from God. As physicians, magic was an acceptable way of developing their craft. By all accounts, the line dividing good and evil in magic is extremely hard to draw (Hill and Williams 1965:161; Schnoebelen 1990), although "tampering with spirits has always been considered a dangerous business" (Hill and Williams 1965:160). By the time it reached Crowley, however, it is clear: there is no science or medicine, there is no motive to help others, or to develop an understanding for the benefit of others. Crowley’s "Do as thou wilt" benefits himself. Motivation, then is one way to distinguish between "white" and "black" magic: does the magician do it for his own benefit, or for the benefit of others. Others (Wilson 1973:418) would draw the line at the intention to hurt another, not just benefiting self. "The desire to dominate, to assert themselves, to humiliate or destroy those who oppose them is something that can be observed again and again in the lives of the great magicians" (Wilson 1975:28). One also observes a desire for fame, a will to power, and a natural talent, however for all their abilities, they die poor. Although they can conjure up money for immediate pleasure, the legend is they can’t use magic to make money (Wilson 1975:35).

But Schnoebelen (1990) asks a further question: does the practice of magic itself lead its practitioner to blacker and blacker depths? If one practices "white" magic long enough, will one find oneself after a time, desirous of greater and greater power, so that one resorts to black magic? Does magic corrupt one’s motivation slowly over time?

These are the same questions that arise in trying to distinguish "black" and "white" witches, since witches are supposedly sorcerers and use magic. Most modern witches, however, are not "black" witches. Burnett (1991:235) agrees that the majority of those involved in Wicca or Occult reject what they see as evil practices; only 14% had worked evil magic, and those who practice satanic rituals are a small minority. However, even other witches and pagans are not always able to tell which is which. "They give us a bad rap," charged one young Druid of the satanists and black witches (Horsfall 1996). Her formula for recognizing a black witch was to listen to them talk, and to notice if they have the Pentateuch (star inside a circle) pointed downward (evil) or upward (good). Good witches and pagans follow the Golden Rede, "An it harm none, do what thou wilt." Satanists and black witches, on the other hand, adhere to only the second part of the Golden Rede, "Do what thou wilt," without regard for the harm it may cause others. "They’re the kind of people you want to stay away from," the young Druid continued. "It’s against my religion to judge someone, but it’s hard not to judge them." Black witches and Satanists tend to be loners, as well.

Such a criteria may work well for the present, but what about the historical past? In the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, somewhere between a few thousand to a few hundred thousand witches were executed, 85% of whom were women (Ben-Yehuda 1985:23, 38). Were they black witches or were they innocent women? It is very difficult to sort out rumor from fact. Orion (1995:49), like many modern witches, thinks they were "simple elderly women who had no close male relatives to protect them. They were healers and herbalists who lived alone. They were a little eccentric and had a little property." Witchhunts took place in an age where those who contradicted the church could easily be considered evil, and perhaps at no more than a personality quirk of those in power. To make matters worse, in the absence of a meaningful justice system, the common person could take advantage of the situation to settle a score with a neighbor, acquire coveted property, or, in the case of propertied widows, reassert male dominance. Even modern scholarship reveals some prejudice against women considered to be witches, as revealed by the use of such terms as "‘oddities and superstitions’, ‘peasant credulity’, ‘female hysteria’, eccentricities’, ‘extravagances’" (Ginzburg 1992:11).

Other researchers (Ben-Yehuda 1985:36) think that the witches represented the last vestiges of pagan religions; not only women, but whole families, and even entire villages were exterminated. "In areas with a strong Church, such as Spain, Poland and eastern Europe, the witchcraze phenomenon was negligible" (Ben-Yehuda 1985:39). On the other hand, the witchhunts themselves became a sort of anti-religion. "The stories and myths about the witches were the exact opposite of what was supposed to be the true faith, that is Christianity" (Ben-Yehuda 1985:32). The traditional picture of a witch from the witchhunts, is a woman who does her magic to serve the Devil’s purposes; she is an emissary of hell, just as a priest represents heaven. Her power comes from a "conscious and willing pact made with Satan" (Hill and Williams 1965:181), although unlike black magicians, who sign in blood to acquire personal power, a witch commits herself, body and soul, to the Devil’s work, presumably because of lust, greed, or revenge. Initiates were thought to be introduced into witchcraft through the meetings, or sabbat, and celebrations, at which sex and all sorts of perversions and obscenities took place. Witches’ spells were blamed for all sorts of problems, from sickness, to misfortune. Two of the witches powers that have become legendary are tranvection (earlier referred to as night flight - the power of flight) and metamorphosis (earlier referred to as shape shifting - changing into an animal to hide illicit activities).The witch was accompanied by her familiar, an animal thought to be her personal demon (Hill and Williams 1965:182-199).

Wilson (1973:422-3) and others (EB 1967:571) think that it was the Cathars that began the Inquisition. The Cathar revival of Gnostic dualism in the 10th century led to their denunciation of the sacrament of marriage as a "disguising of the sinful as the holy" (EB:571). Their heretical beliefs, and their rising numbers, threatened the Dominicans, who began their campaign against them in 1215. It wasn’t long before the campaign was extended to others, in an effort to stamp out all heretical influences. But an official Church policy dating back to the 4th century "held that belief in witchcraft was itself an illusion" (Ben-Yehuda 1985:34), so that the Pope refused to sanction the campaign until 1326, when sorcery was made a crime by a Pope who was himself afraid of assassination by magic. In 1450 an Inquisitor at Carcassone identified witchcraft with heresy; and thirty years later defending witchcraft itself became a heresy. Publication of the Malleus Maleficarum in 1484, one of the first books published on the newly invented printing press (and written by two Dominicans), solidified the witchcraft ideology for 300 years. Throughout, the Inquisition commonly included torture.

Many present day witches claim memories of torture or burning in a former life (Orion 1995:52). For Wilson (1973:426) it was the witch craze itself "that produced a hysteria that created precisely what it was trying to destroy;" and in England, it wasn’t until the repeal of the witchcraft act in 1736, when the punishment was no longer death, that the phenomena died down (1973:431).

The whole issue of the witchhunts automatically raises social issues. Some researchers point to the change in women’s social roles starting in the 11th century, when the men were off fighting the crusades. Women gained control of the family property; their status improved, and continued to improve with the growth of the cities and women’s employment in the job market (Ben-Yehuda 1985:62). There were more women than men in the Middle Ages, by a ratio of 2 or 3 to 5, and apparently a corresponding sexual freedom. The Church was concerned that pregnancies were being prevented by coitus interruptus, and there was an increase in infanticide. All of this led to social tensions between men and women.

Half a millennium later, the witchhunts raise the same serious sociological questions as those raised by more recent events: Hitler’s attempted annihilation of the Jews, the Soviet communists wholesale slaughter of peasant farmers, the "Killing Fields" of Southeast Asia. None of these events were war, where two conflicting parties sought to destroy each other, but situations where those in power sought to exterminate a whole group of people - a minority who threaten the status quo by their very existence. The witchhunts represent not only a minority but a gender difference. The ambivalence with which the witch was regarded - there was both a fascination and a repulsion for the witch -demonstrates a spiritual force that is not controlled by the church, or by the man-made (the gender specific word is used intentionally) structures that order our society. Such forces unleash uncontrollable physical feelings and social fears. As Durkheim pointed out, to raise life force issues stirs some dormant, internal and uncontrolled forces that challenge the rational, traditional social forces (Mestrovic 1993:103,4). The position of women in the Middle Ages raises deep issues - of sexuality, of procreation, of life forces - issues that, for all of the progress made by modern feminists of all types, are still unresolved. Feminist spirituality, which associates itself with women’s blood, challenges sacred taboos. One should expect the rational and traditional forces of those being challenged to fight for their lives, and seek to reassert themselves at all costs. Unquestionably, it was the lack of social power that allowed women of medieval Europe, and Salem, to be killed in the name of justice. Had all else been the same, except that they were men, and of high social standing and power, there is no doubt that the frenzy of the witchhunts would never have arisen to such a fervor. The women were scapegoats for these unsettled issues, and were at the mercy of the ugliest aspects of human nature aroused by their spiritu

To read straight through a large number of accounts of witch trials...is to begin to feel slightly insane. The accounts of tortures lead one to wonder whether human beings are ultimately redeemable; for every saint, the human race has apparently produced a hundred murderers capable of the last degree of viciousness. And the sheer absurdities to which so many of the accused confessed add a discordant note of farce to the tragedy. Yet oddly enough, the final impression is one of pity - a pity that embraces the accusers and accused. The human mind was never intended for narrowness, and when it is trapped, it becomes trivial and vicious. The real tragedy of Suffolk in 1645 is not that Matthew Hopkins hanged a hundred or so innocent people, but that human beings in general were so demoralized and revitalized that they could accept it (Wilson 1973:431).

Recognizing their mistake, the Salem jurors recanted their decision some time later, saying they had been "sadly deluded and mistaken" and that their mistake "much disquieted and distressed" their minds" (Kors and Peters 1991:359). But a public apology doesn’t undo their mistake, and they were left with their pain of conscience thereafter. So, too the European society. One might speculate that the excesses and abuses of spiritual phenomena in the witchhunts led sensible people, such as Voltaire (Kors and Peters 1991:15) and others of the Renaissance and Enlightenment, to turn from the whole of spirituality in embarrassment, much as Germans turned from religion, used by Hitler, after World War II. It was the fervent beliefs that led to human injustice, thus abandoning those beliefs creates a psychological distance from the wrong doing. Throwing the baby out with the bath is not uncommon. One might speculate that it was not just the emergence of the Enlightenment, and the power of reason that led European thinkers to reject the church, and the invisible spiritual forces, in favor of the concrete, measurable reality governed by reason. The social crimes Europe that they sought to bury surely had a role to play. Many good-hearted Europeans no doubt sought to be rid of the guilt by denying the existence of the spiritual reality which caused the excesses (thus laying the blame at the feet of "believers," whom they were not). Of course, it was not the spiritual reality, or even belief in it, that caused the witchhunts, but flaws in human nature; flaws which, by all accounts, exist still.

In an interesting twist, and in contradiction to feminists’ claims of patriarchy, some occultists, including the poet Blake, blame women for all the unpleasant (restrictive) aspects of Christianity. Women’s emotionality dominated for 1800 years, giving rise to such ideas as sex is sinful, virtue has its rewards in the hereafter, restrictions that mitigate against creativity and adventure (Wilson 1973:416). In the occult, women are regarded as evil (Wilson 1973:415), since they are more likely to harm someone, mainly, their enemies (Wilson 1973:418). Orion (1995:109) describes it somewhat differently.

Even though Feminist Spirituality, Wiccans and Occult are each quite different, there are similarities that make it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Therefore, we are going to consider the characteristics of the "spiritual life world" of all three of them at the same time, noting the differences where they exist. A further note must be made regarding the political activism. Despite our earlier suggestion that feminist spirituality is sometimes horizontal spirituality, political activism is obviously a activity of a different genre. While saying nothing of its value, and despite the argument of some Wiccans that their activism springs from their spiritual life, being part of the holistic picture (Luff 1990; Neitz 1993), we would classify it as social behavior, and thus, conceptually, belonging to a different realm than what we are specifically concerned with here.

a. It is common for persons in Occult to have experiences of beings from another world, most dramatically seen in conjuring up the dead, as seen in the description by Eliphas Levi as he tried to call Greek magician Apollonius. Also Agrippa’s idea that human beings, the universe and the spirit world are all connected together with an invisible web, an idea that is found in other magic texts, is similar to a second class experience. On the black magic side there is the idea of demons and familiars, not to mention the Devil himself - all invisible beings that are part of the legend, if not the experiences, of the magicians.

b. Within Wicca, there is a myth that the goddess descends into the underworld, where she meets Satan, and is whipped by him (Orion 1995:21), but this may not be a part of the mythology that is important to all Wiccans. There is the image of the Goddess, which some take as an archetype, others take as a symbol with emotional significance, and still others feel as a presence.

c. Within feminist spirituality it is more difficult to assess. Should we include all experiences of all women? In which case there obviously are many first and second class experiences, as discussed already under mysticism. Even if we take the women with millennial visions: Christ appeared to Shaker Ann Lee. Englishwoman Joanna Southcott heard voices. Modern women continue to have visions, have dreams and hear voices.

So it would seem that each of the three has some kind of first and second class experiences, although the specific experiences may vary. Certainly the meaning of the experiences for each of the three groups differs, but there may be a similar level of intensity.

a. For magicians the spiritual reality may even be more real than the physical world. Paracelsus healed people with is magical power as well as treating them with medicine; Mesmer’s belief in animal magnetism led him to risk his medical reputation; Eliphas Levi’s arm was sore for several days after his vision of Apollonius; the reality of his magic led Crowley to do all sorts of bizarre things.

b. There are very few, if any, descriptions of the witches’ experiences left from the Middle Ages, so we have no way of knowing if anyone experienced the things attributed to them, and if they felt those events as real. However, among modern witches, the experience of raising energy within the circle, and even the experience of the circle itself, which protects the Wiccans from outside forces during worship, are taken very seriously. Certainly the people of the period "did, in fact, believe in the reality of witchcraft, demonology and witches. Even men like Newton, Bacon, Boyle, Locke and Hobbes - the greatest minds of the 17th century, the century of genius, as Whitehead called it - firmly believed in the reality of witchcraft" (Ben Yehuda 1985:24). The witchhunts testify to the reality.

Modern witches take the spiritual reality very seriously, as seen in Orion’s (1995:108) statement about human energy: "For Neopagans, the energy that infuses, creates and sustains the physical body moves in emotions, feelings and thoughts and is the underlying fabric of the material world. Each human being is an energy pattern that many people can literally see and feel."

c. The reality of the spiritual world is seen in feminist spirituality as well: in Morton’s "sensing something direct and powerful" in the group worship of SHE; in Joanna Southcott’s voices that led her to declare herself pregnant and allow doctors to examine her; in Shaker Ann Lee’s vision that celibacy was the way to hasten the millennium, and its practice among her followers thereafter.

a. People who practice magic, be it white or black magic, have a great deal of respect for the force they are trying to control. That the magicians are not able to fully control it is seen in the Agrippa anecdote about his student who conjured up a demon and died. It is also seen in the fact that most great magicians died poor. It is unlikely that any of them wanted to die poor, but despite their considerable powers, that was the best they could do, apparently.

b. The most prominent force among Wiccan is that of "mother nature," or the natural harmony that one must fit into. As an immanent presence, respect for the power of the goddess is seen in the freedom allotted all other pagans. It is also seen in the listening to one’s own body, as a means of communicating with the universal force, and a representative of it.

c. In feminist spirituality, the power of the emotions, such as anger, is to be respected and not, by any means, hidden away. The power of women’s intuition is also to be respected, and to it is owed many of the gains made in rethinking theological issues. Women who had mystical visions surrendered to the directions of the visionary figure or voice.

a. Between the occult and the realm of the religious there are different realms, demarcated by extreme animosity and hostility between each other. Oddly enough, each recognizes the existence of the other, and by implication, their legitimacy. The animosity and hostility becomes more pronounced among black magicians, who parody the religious rituals with the purpose of profaning them.

b. Among Wiccans there is also a recognition of black and white witches, hence of different realms and powers of spirit world. Many witches don’t make such a distinction between black and white powers, however,

c. In feminist spirituality, as in Christianity in general, there are experiences of the positive spirit world and the negative spirit world, but almost more important is the distinction between the masculine experience and the feminine experience.

a. The craft of magic constitutes a long arduous spiritual discipline and shortcuts to sublimate the body and isolate the spirit (Orion 1995:18). Each magician follows the traditional development of the use of magic powers.

b. Among Wiccans, "The basic aim of the magical work in Gardnerian covens is the spiritual development of the individual witch through study and discipline - such as meditation - in order to refine the faculties of intuition, imagination and will" (Orion 1995:22). Witches also have stages of accomplishment in order to become leaders. "Witches pass through three levels of initiation to achieve the right to lead ceremonies and to start a new coven and initiate others into the craft. The narrative and actions of rituals are highly structured" (Orion 1995:24).

c. Feminist spirituality emphasizes the development, or growth, of the concept of self as an awareness not only of the world around, but also of one’s natural (not social) place in it, and the deeper significance that has. This is an example of horizontal spirituality. Feminist spirituality also implies a period of change, Wilber’s translation, to a time where the more idea order is restored. While not the same as growth, it appears to transpire in a developing process.

a &b. Control over the invisible force is both the aim and the distinction of both magicians and witches. Witches in England claimed that they put up a barrier to keep Hitler from landing during W.W.II, and he never did (Orion 1995:14).

c. Within feminist spirituality, in the sense that control implies having spiritual experiences, it appears to be a fairly common phenomenon; Davie found that 5/6 of her sample of Presbyterian women had had spiritual experiences, and Basher found that every charismatic woman she interviewed had had at least one religious (spiritual?) experience. Several examples of extraordinary experiences were described. In horizontal feminist spirituality, control would also be found in the fully realized woman - the American Indian Buffalo Calf Woman, the women that Lerner writes about throughout history who realized a feminine consciousness in the midst of masculine tradition.

a &b. Again, the occurrence of phenomena which seems to defy known physical laws is part of the disturbing aspect and the unique characteristic of both magicians and witches: night flight, shape shifting, spells, charms, healing and other magical acts. This characteristic is part of their experience by legend, whether or not the individual magician or witch experiences it.

c. There are several experiences included in the description of feminist spirituality which seem to defy the logic and order of the physical world. The appearance of Christ to Shaker Ann Lee, the rappings and the voice that came to Joanna Southcott, and perhaps her ‘pregnancy,’ although, in truth, it is hard to know how to interpret that event. Other experiences are not so much contrary to physical laws as they are experiencing the physical to its fullest: women from Basher’s sample described the effect of their experience on their physical sensations; Morton described an experience of the female deity.

In terms of horizontal feminist spirituality, the radical challenge to the status quo can be seen as a different order of things, pointing to a different experience of reality.

a. In the occult, it is not that it is hard to express, but that much of it is hidden. Spells were often recorded with something out of order or missing so that only the truly knowledgeable could correct the mistake and effect the spell (Hill and Williams 1965:154).

b. IF there is any truth to the legends of the witches, the difficulty in expressing their experience is seen in the incredulity with which the experience is regarded today. In the days of the witchhunts, when people believed it, the difficulty is seen in the fear it generated.

c. Feminist spirituality points to a vision of a different social order based on a different valuation of male and female. This is a horizontal spirituality that implies a feminine reality rather than a masculine reality. Because most of western spiritual tradition is understood in terms of the latter, the feminine reality is often seen as weakness, or unimportant. The difficulty in expressing it is seen in Gillespie’s finding that women like the idea of a goddess, but men don’t understand that idea, and women, themselves, are still uncomfortable with it. In terms of mysticism, feminist spirituality, whether it occurs in men or women, is more passive than aggressive (Wawrytko 1995:208), more tentative, puts more emphasis on unity, and is more associated with the body and nature (Wawrytko 1995:211, 212, 214).

a. The attraction of occult is seen in the aura of fascination that surrounds it. The power of black magic is seen in the life of Aleister Crowley: people were drawn to him despite the disastrous consequences for their well-being. Something similar can be said about the legend of black witches, although as a legend, its questionable whether that is important or not.

b. The drawing power of Wicca is seen in the fact that over a short space of time feminists have adopted the Wiccan images and some rituals in their non-religious gatherings.

c. That women are drawn to the experience of feminist spirituality is seen in both Gillespie’s finding that women like the idea of a goddess, but are still uncomfortable exploring it. Being drawn to feminist spirituality is also seen in Morton’s description of her encounter with the goddess.

a. The Occult experience implies the dichotomies of physical and spiritual, good and evil (black and white), sometimes male and female. Many magicians tell of experiences of fear, or encounters with ominous spiritual forces, as well as those forces they control or are comfortable with. An example is Eliphas Levi’s encounter with the Greek magician Apollonius.

b. Wicca is full of opposites, or dichotomies. Male and female is one dichotomy, brought together in the Great Rite, symbolizing the union of all dichotomies - sky and earth, gods and humans, eternity and periodicity, etc. (Orion 1995:37). Another dichotomy is that of the light forces and those of the dark and night (Orion 1995:44). The aim of Wicca is to unite all the various dichotomies, or rather to look to their holistic unity which existed prior to the rational separation of them into dichotomous pairs. "We have inherited a divided world. ...They incessantly carve out a contrast between male and female, a polarization which draws in its train a series of other divisions: between active and passive, subject and object, culture and nature" (Goodison 1992:5). The polarization felt by Wiccans is also found in the 4th and 7th Hermetic principles which are central to their life world (Orion 1995:104). The fourth principle is that of polarity: everything has its pair of opposites. The seventh principle is that of gender: Everything has masculine and feminine principles.

Yet another dichotomy that Wiccans and Pagans experience is antagonism toward Christianity. "They are one another’s devils" (Orion 1995:65).

c. Within feminist spirituality, the main dichotomy is that between the masculine worldview and the feminine worldview, between patriarchy and matriarchy, and the implied dichotomy between the social order as it exists and a more ideal social order. There is less emphasis on the dichotomy of good and evil, except in the earlier visionaries, such as Shaker Ann Lee.

a. In occult and black magic, this is seen in the practice of doing or saying sacred things backward. This seems to imply that much of the power of the dark side comes from imitation of the light side, or is a twisting of the naturally existing power for individual, selfish purposes: wealth, social prestige, physical appetites. The legend of the witch is also a replica of the positive structure.

b. The isomorphic parallel exists in the second of the Hermetic Principles is also essential to the Wiccans lifeworld: the Principle of correspondence which states "As above, so below." This seems to be saying something similar to the point in a.

Another isomorphic parallel is found in the phenomenon of the witchhunts. The accused internal evil was reflected in an equally evil external reality: whatever evils the witches were accused of, there was an equal evil in the external social world in the persecution, torture and death of the many women.

c. In the horizontal spirituality, many of the feminist patterns reflect, and are intended to reflect, the predominant pattern, such as matriarchy instead of patriarchy. In addition, the whole idea of horizontal spirituality implies that social relationships reflect the spiritual relationships, and that social structures reflect spiritual structures.

Because there are differences between the three spiritual experiences being considered here, it is necessary to list their additional characteristics separately.

1) Training and initiation is a very important aspect of the occult. Without the dramatic and difficult initiation experience, the magician would not appreciate or understand the power he or she seeks to control. It is the training process that develops his or her ability to control it.

2) There is a fearfulness of the power - the spells are written with things missing or backward so that those unable to control the force cannot conjure it up by mistake. Although this characteristic is somewhat the same as the third characteristic of the "ideal spiritual life world," it is so much more pronounced in the magician it deserves an additional mention.

3) Most magicians have some antagonism toward traditional religion, if for no other reason than it demands a group loyalty and the magician tends to be a loner. Among black magicians, it is outright hostility, demonstrated by the profane rituals and language.

4) Personal gain is usually associated with occult and magic. Although it is possible for some magicians to cast spells for the benefit of others, it is difficult to draw the line, as discussed above. Is preventing an enemy from achieving their goals for the greater good of others, or only of oneself? An answer relies upon a definition of enemy and greater good, and beyond that, is circumstantial.

5) Unlike some of the other experiences discussed, the ultimate intention of those studying the occult is to control the invisible forces.

6) There is a destructive aspect of the occult, and especially of black magic. Crowley wrecked destruction on whatever or whomever he came in contact. The lives of magicians, for the most part, are less than ideal. In anger, magicians may cause great harm to others, at least they are feared for the possibility.

7) Increased knowledge is a part of the additional characteristics of the occult and magic, exemplified in the answers sought in conjuring up the dead.

1) The most prominent additional characteristic is that of unity of opposites, a theme that runs throughout all the writings about Wicca.

2) Among many Wiccans, there is an antagonism toward traditional religion. Orion’s expression that the two are each other’s devils highlights it. There is also the rejection of traditional religion as a patriarchal order.

3) The communal aspect is more important to Wiccans than it is to the occult. Witches meet regularly in covens, learn their magic in covens, share their experiences in the larger meetings of pagans. Drawing a circle to distinguish between their friendly power and the more hostile power of the rest of the world also requires a community.

4) Immanent spirituality rather than transcendent spirituality is important to Wiccans. This characteristic is associated with the inclusion of the body and the senses in the experience of spirituality. Sometimes this seems to make physical experiences into spiritual experiences, for instance the ritual sex, which we would reject pre se. But if one is careful to focus on a heightened spiritual awareness, there is a similarity between this experience and the nature mystic, who experiences a oneness with all of nature.

5) Control of the forces seems to be important to Wicca, as for the occult. At times control is no more than understanding the forces at work and not contradicting them.

6) There is some increased knowledge gained through the spiritual experiences of witches: a deeper realization of the connectedness of things, a greater understanding of finite events, etc.

1) Like Wiccans, feminist spirituality emphases immanent spirituality, and includes bodily sensations as part of the spiritual experience - this ranges from inclusion of sexual experiences to bodily sensations felt during ethereal spiritual experience: tingling, sensing a presence, a feeling in the stomach.

2) The communal aspect is important to the feminist spirituality, especially the community of women, within whose company other women are encouraged to reveal their more personal experiences, and construct their feminist consciousness.

3) Increased knowledge is part of some of the spiritual experiences within feminist spirituality: a greater realization of one’s identity, of one’s place in the social structure, of what is required to bring the desired changes.

4) There is an antagonism to traditional religion, ranging from advocacy of demolishing the patriarchy to reforming the existing structures. In some the antagonism approaches hostility, in others it is more mild.

5) Development of a self-constructed concept of self, at times equated with feminine consciousness (understanding one’s place in the social order).

Final Note: Once again, the reader is urged not to blur the distinctions between these three types of spiritual experience, or neglect to note the differences between them. Writing this chapter was difficult because there are no clear divisions between the three types of spiritual experience being examined here. Similarly, in the occult there seemed to be a lack of coherent ground. Reflecting the subject matter, a major source (Wilson 1973) described the occult by weaving in and out of centuries, countries, and even incidents, so that developing a coherent line of development through time was difficult. His story also appeared, at times, to contradict itself. However, the very nature of his approach implies an involvement with the subject on other than an intellectual level, which argues for authenticity.

"Our Sweet Sophia, we are women in your image; With nectar between our thighs we invite a lover, we birth a child" (Putney-Hyde 1995:9).

The other main groups of Wiccans are the Gardnerian, based on Gardner’s teachings, and the Alexandrian, based on the teaching of Alex Sanders.

This is not intended as an authoritative account of the occult, only detailed enough for our purposes.