Reasons given for the continuation of this practice vary, although there are some consistencies. Most western scholars point to tradition, anatomical ignorance and control of husbands over wives. It is clear that in most cultures where FGM occurs there are unrealistic beliefs about women and about the physical anatomy. Some fear that unless the female genitals are removed, they will continue to grow, becoming unsightly and awkward. Some think that female genitals are unclean, even poisonous and could cause death if touched by a man or a baby if not removed.

One scholar describes it thusly: "The rationale for female circumcision seems to be consistent in most African societies, and is based for the most part of myth, an ignorance of biological and medical facts, and religion. The clitoris is perceived variously as repulsive, filthy, foul smelling, dangerous to the life of the emerging newborn, and hazardous to the health and potency of the husband" (Lightfoot-Klein 1991).

Another summarizes it: "Family honor, cleanliness, protection against spells, insurance of virginity and faithfulness to the husband, or simply terrorizing women out of sex are sometimes used as excuses for the practice of FGM" (Sarkis 1995).

Researchers frequently center on the control of men as a major factor. According to one publication, "The practice is intended to give men control over women’s sexuality" (Mugenzi 1998). Another scholar called the practice "subjugation of women (Dorkenoo and Elworthy 1992). One college level Sociology text book described it as patriarchal tradition in which the "husbands demand that their wives be virgins at marriage and remain sexually faithful thereafter. The point of genital mutilation is to eliminate sexual sensation thereby making the girl less likely to violate sexual mores. In the process she becomes more desirable to men" (Macionis 1997).

Indigenous scholars are more likely to focus on tradition than on gender roles. They point to the embeddedness of the practice in the culture. Acknowledging that prevention of promiscuity, enhancement of childbirth, and prevention of clitoral growth as three prominent reasons given for FGM in Nigeria, Ebomomi (1987) concludes that "the main justification female circumcision…was that the practice was part of their cultural heritage." Other scholars point to a parallel tradition of male circumcision. "Traditionally this practice was instituted to protect the values of sexual purity and marital fidelity. …Among the Sabiny, circumcision of females and males is practiced," (Kuka 1998). The internationally known politician Jomo Kenyatta described it in more detail.

International human rights conventions generally see FGM as a traditional practice which violates women’s or children’s rights. UNICEF, WHO, Amnesty International, USAID are among the organizations that have condemned FGM. A number of states in the U.S. have laws prohibiting FGM. Some U.S. states, notably California and Delaware, punish parents as well as doctors that perform the operation. In 1996 a federal law was passed prohibiting FGM in the U.S. and providing funds for the education of immigrants on this point. Internationally, Sweden, Australia, UK, Canada, New Zealand are among the countries prohibiting the practice. Other countries prosecute the practice through general laws such as those prohibiting child abuse. Fifteen of the 28 African countries where FGM is common have laws prohibiting it, but they are generally not enforced.

Despite efforts on the part of governments and international agencies, the practice of FGM not only continues, but is growing. Further, the problem is spreading to the west – a part of the world where until recently FGM was not only not practiced, but not even known. Now because of immigration of large numbers of people from various parts of the world, there is a growing population of women who were circumcised before arriving in this country. Immigrant parents often seek to circumcise their daughters. Sometimes families pool their resources to bring a circumcisor from their country of origin to cut their daughters. Other may have their youth circumcised on a "vacation" trip to their home country. It is not uncommon for circumcised women living in the west to need a doctor – because of complications resulting from the circumcision, or for help in delivering a baby. Western doctors and health care providers unfamiliar with the practice are often shocked, and may have no idea how to treat an excised or infibulated woman.

While there is much that is known about FGM, there is much that is not known. A World Health Organization statement on FGM issued in 1997 admitted that there are no known models for prevention and elimination of FGM. The statement further recognized that while health providers are being trained about the problem, they are largely ignorant of "the underlying socio-cultural, gender and economic factors that predict and influence the practice…. Even less has been written on the psycho-sexual and mental health effects on women and girls and on the management of the health complications."

This study examines the tradition of FGM in one tribal area of Uganda, looking at the forces that perpetuate the tradition, and those geared toward its demise. At the outset we can say that it is a complicated situation, involving confounding factors in addition to gender questions. This view in no way condones the custom, but neither does it condemn it outright. To do so would be simplistic, exhibiting an ignorance of the social factors Further, the observations and conclusions given here apply to the District within Uganda. There is no assurance that they have any relevance elsewhere.

Uganda, known as the "Pearl of Africa" is a beautiful country in East Africa. At independence in 1962, Uganda had a well-developed infrastructure, a thriving economy, and a good system of education. Decades of political turmoil and violence, however, including mass killings and the flight of the well-educated, brought destruction, poverty, and despair to the people. An enlightened government came to power in 1986 under Yoweri Museveni, and the country is now being restored. Grassroots democracy, equal rights, and the empowerment of women are some of the national goals.

The Kapchorwa District is a region on the lush slopes of Mr. Elgon, one of Africa's highest mountains in eastern Uganda. It is one of four districts in Uganda where FGM is commonly practiced. (The other districts are Karamoja, Tororo, and Masindi.) Although beautiful, the remote area is poor, with low levels of education. The primary occupations are raising cattle and farming. Because of its remoteness, few visitors come to the area, but the Sabiny practice of FGM has been widely publicized in Ugandan national media and is well know to urban residents. It takes a full day to get there by road (and during the rainy season, the roads may be impassible). Telephone service is unreliable and the main source of information for most people in Kapchorwa is through the radio. It is not unusual for a village in the Kapchorwa District to have few if any modern amenities. The largest city, and capital of the area, Kapchorwa Town, has only recently acquired electricity. The one sure means of immediate contact between the people in Kapchorwa and Kampala is a personally chartered helicopter – something resorted to only in an emergency or by visiting government officials.

The information gathered for this study came from four trips to Uganda by one of the authors. Two of the visits were concentrated in Kampala, consulting with Jane Frances Kuka, a member of Parliament and formerly the Minister of Gender and Cultural Affairs (currently Minister for Disaster Preparedness and Refugees), women leaders and Sabiny residents in Kampala.

Two visits were made to the Kapchorwa District. The first visit was in 1998 during the circumcision season. During the visit there were discussions with local residents and students at girls’ boarding schools and attendance at Culture Day celebrations. The latter included demonstration of tribal rituals, NGO dramas emphasizing family planning, AIDS and FGM issues, and observing President Museveni address a crowd of 3000 Kapchorwa residents on the subject of FGM. The President was in Kapchorwa for Culture Day in support of the efforts of Kuka to eliminate FGM in Kapchorwa District, providing the occasion for one of the authors to meet with him. Additional material and access to individuals was obtained through extensive meetings with Kuka.

The second visit to Kapchorwa District was in July of 1999. This time there were formal and informal meetings with District political leaders and women’s representatives at all levels, discussions with school administrators, and informal and private interviews with many local people regarding the practice of FGM. For this visit, Kuka provided a guide and coordinator for our visit, which turned out to be a mixed blessing. We also met with a number of people sent to us by the President and Vice President to explain the local culture more deeply. We solicited everyone’s analyses and advice, and listened to their problems.

Another key figure in the collecting of data is Erinah Rutangye, a Ugandan resident of Kampala and a native of neighboring Mbale District. Rutangye heads a local NGO that is working to improve health conditions and education throughout the country in an effort to reduce poverty among families and youth. She is also Country Coordinator for the Godparents Association in Kapchorwa and travels to the District every few months to supervise activities and collect information. Rutangye accompanied the author during both visits to Kapchorwa. In addition to being a colleague, she functioned as a translator and guide, explaining the unfamiliar customs, and helping the people in Kapchorwa to feel at ease. The author and Rutangye spent approximately an additional week together in Kampala after each trip reviewing the data. At other times the two communicate frequently via email.

Female genital mutilation or female genital cutting, as it is preferred among the Sabiny tribe in Kapchorwa, has been a part of their culture for as long as anyone can remember. Both boys and girls are circumcised, although the physical effects are far less severe for boys than for girls. Among the Sabiny, the type of FGM practiced is excision, where the clitoris and labia minora are cut away. "Spontaneous infibulation," the knitting together of the wound through scar tissue, often occurs, but no stitching is traditionally involved to close the wound. It is considered the female parallel to male circumcision. The results are both psychological and physical. Some die from bleeding. Contacting HIV is not uncommon due to the use of unsterilized equipment. Others experience severe pain, infection and lameness. Intercourse is painful and labor can be hazardous. Prior to cutting some girls are in secondary school, with fees paid by their families. After being cut, girls usually drop out and get married.

Although only about 5% of all the women in Uganda are cut, until recently almost all of the females in the Kapchorwa District were cut. The Sabiny are well known for this practice among other Ugandans. For the Sabiny, cutting marks the passage of an adolescent into adulthood. Circumcision season falls during the November/December school holidays of even-numbered years for both boys and girls, though some are cut in the off-years if they wish to marry. Girls who avoid cutting usually relent under heavy social pressure and intimidation from relative and neighbors despite the promise of lifelong pain and the possibility of death (Kuka 1998). Even a woman who manages to get married prior to cutting is likely to be pressured into it after marriage by her in-laws.

A three-week festival accompanies circumcision and cutting when girls of about 15 years old and boys of 17 or 18 from throughout the region are initiated. It is a big occasion for everyone. Once the season is declared open by the elders, for about three weeks male circumcision candidates run through the villages of the District, collecting gifts and congratulations from friends and relatives, who often join in the run to the next village. During this time, a boy collects the foundation for the bride price to be offered for a newly circumcised girl to be his wife. Female cutting candidates do not tour the district but remain in the family homestead, where they are prepared for what is to come.

There is feasting and merry making. Local maize beer is brewed for the occasion and sipped by adults gathered around a pot using special three-or four foot long straws. Beer drinking is so important to the festivities that ceremonies were traditionally timed to coincide with large maize harvests.

On the night before the cutting is to take place, age cohorts and school mates gather together, separated by gender. Girls dance all night and the accompanying singing and drumming resounds throughout the area. Around dawn the next morning, the "secrets" and history of the culture are imparted to the initiation candidates. Young men and women are exhorted never to reveal their tribal secrets to uncircumcised Sabiny or to outsiders. Then comes the cutting and circumcision, performed in separate places. (Traditionally men could not be present during the ceremonies for girls, but this appears to have changed somewhat in recent years.) Sabiny girls are expected to be brave during the procedure. They are not restrained. They lie down in turn on the cutting mat with their arms extended over their heads. After pulling up their skirts and arranging their legs to allow the procedure they do not blink an eye in reaction to the cuts. After the excision, the girls are allowed to recover without much aftercare. The wound is traditionally treated with cow’s urine.

Cutting and circumcision not only make the passage into adulthood, they mark the beginning of community and civic responsibility. Prior to the cutting, a girl is not allowed to speak in public, in front of those who have already been circumcised. She is considered "only a girl," and may not even undertake important women’s tasks such as milking cows and drawing grain from the communal granary. However, after she is cut she is accepted as a woman, with all the prerogatives granted by the Sabiny, including full rights to leadership as an elder among the tribe.

To understand the dynamics of this custom, we will describe the various individuals and groups that are important to the process. By examining the gains and costs to each group or individual and explaining how they function in the practice, a more complete picture of the dynamics can be gained.

Jane Frances Kuka is something of an anomaly in that she was born and grew up in the Kapchorwa District, yet she was opposed to cutting all of her life. Even more surprising, despite the cultural restrictions against women who are not cut, she was able to teach, to marry and raise a family, and was even elected to represent her District at the national level. Once in the national government, she was appointed Minister of State for Gender and Community Development.

How Kuka came to be an outspoken advocate for change is a study in itself. According to her own account, she was influenced by her mother and grandmother who advised her not to be cut because nothing would be gained by it. Taking their warning to heart, she persuaded them to help her escape the ritual as a young girl. Because her parents continued to pay her school fees she was able to complete her studies and assume the position of a teacher and later a school principal. When the time came for her to marry, she was "lucky" to find a man who did not care if she was cut. Further, after marriage, he protected her from the social pressure they both experienced for her to be cut. When she taught outside her District the persecution was less, but she felt compassion for her childhood friends and wanted to return to Kapchorwa. After some time she was appointed principal of a teacher-training college in her own District.

In 1988, the Kapchorwa District Council passed a law was passed making cutting compulsory. Those who did not voluntarily submit, were to be tied and forcibly circumcised. Kuka and her supporters went to the Cabinet Minister for Women in Kampala, who boarded a helicopter and flew to the District to prevent the forcible cuttings. The law was changed, making cutting optional.

Soon after that Kuka got involved in politics, but many people in her District told her they would not vote for her because she would try to stop cutting. She affirmed that she would never promote FGM, and she lost the election for parliament nd for the constituent assemply. But she continued educating women about the effects of FGM. Again she was pressured to be cut, but this time she told them it would not be fitting for her to go through the procedure in which her students were participating. In 1996 she again campaigned for parliament, and this time the Sabiny Elders Association supported her, and she became Member of Parliament for her District.

She is especially supportive of educational projects, and campaigns tirelessly for the empowerment of girls and women in Kapchorwa.

1. The Girls – Adolescent girls of approximately age 15 are under tremendous pressure to conform to the norms of their society – both from society at large, and from their parents. Although there is now free universal primary education in Uganda, in the past parents paid their children’s school fees. Today this is still true with regard to secondary school, and only a minority of adolescents attend. Most girls are thus unable to continue in secondary school if they do not give in to their parents’ demands. This means that they are dependent upon others economically later in life. Also the possibility of marriage within the District is slim without cutting. Further, until they are subjected to the practice they are considered "girls," no matter how old they are. Their participation in village life is restricted, including preparation of food. Only those who are cut are accepted as women in the community, regarded as equal with men and given the privilege of participation in community affairs, or even allowed to prepare food.

Two of the NGO programs in Kapchorwa are working to eliminate cutting through helping the girls with their school fees. In return, the girls must promise not to be cut, and educate other girls about the results of cutting. The UNFPA-sponsored program REACH pays a part of the fees for 108.girls - 2 peer educators in each of the 54 parishes of the District. The Godparents Association pays all of the fees for 21 girls in 7 different schools.

2. The Families of the Girls – The families of the girls have more to gain than to lose in having their daughter circumcised. It is rare for n African woman to remain unmarried, but among the Sabiny no girl is qualified for marriage until after she is cut. Thus there is great pressure upon the families to prepare their daughters. Male and female circumcision festivals traditionally announced that boys and girls were already for marriage and could choose their mates. Almost immediately after circumcision, a girl’s parents could expect a prospective groom, bride price in hand, to appear at their home to ask for their daughter.

The family also gains materially from the gifts brought to them by friends and relatives at the time of cutting. Considering the poverty of the people, these gifts can be substantial. People prepare for the cutting as they would a wedding in the west. It has the same social significance, since marriage traditionally follows immediately.

In addition to the gifts, the parents also receive status from having a daughter cut – especially if she demonstrates courage through the procedure and does not cry out in pain. Following the cutting they become elevated to parents of adult children.

3. The Surgeons – This elite group of women actually performs the operations. They are paid for their services, and are thereafter regarded somewhat as godmothers and advisors to the girls they cut and their families. They have a special status within the community, are honored and periodically given more gifts. The wealth that this elite group acquires is seen in their dress, and the status given them is demonstrated in their regal presence. A mystique surrounds them, as they are the custodians of special knowledge and traditions and are often believed to have special powers.

4. Women in the community – From the surgeons, to mothers and grandmothers, to young girls, it is the females in the community that are most supportive of the practice. They defend it in a variety of ways. The mothers, older sisters, aunts and especially the "surgeons" who perform the cutting offer gifts and much positive support and encouragement to the young woman facing cutting. In turn, the older women are seen as wise and knowledgeable, having earned their place in society by passing through this ritual themselves. Cutting is their means of achieving social status and acceptance within the community. Age-set cohorts are established at the time of circumcision, and these associations of girls (and eventually women) who are cut at the same time establish an organization through which their generational rank in the society is set. These groups exert an invisible, almost secret, social power. Women who choose to oppose cutting risk a loss of status and even the active disapproval of their family and neighbors. It takes great courage.

5. Sabiny Elders Association – In July of 1992 male and female elders of the Sabiny, from all over the Kapchorwa District, assembled and formed the association. Their purpose was 1) to unite the Sabiny people and promote peaceful development; 2) ensure that local problems would be solved locally; and 3) protect the Sabiny culture by preserving songs, dances, funeral and marriage rites, and other positive customs, and eliminating the old, harmful traditions, including FGM. They reached out to every village in the District to implement these reforms.

The Chairman George W. Cheborion, also honorary vice-patron of Godparents Association, is a teacher and deeply deplores FGM. As a young man he approved of it, but changed his mind when he saw how FGM harmed young women. In the "old days," according to Cheborion, uncircumcised women were considered not only unmarriageable or "only girls" - they were thought to be "devils." They were used almost as slaves and were harassed by everyone wherever they went. Because the Sabiny were surrounded by hostile tribes, there was no escape for a girl who refused cutting. Until 1987 there was no road out of Kapchorwa.

In 1998, the SEA were recognized by the UNFPA and given the Population Award for their work in discouraging FGM. With this award money, the Elders constructed a building to house their offices and those of other NGOs. The cornerstone dedicates the building to the Sabiny people in consideration of their efforts to reform their own culture.

Cheborion estimates that they have influenced about half of the Sabiny people so far concerning cutting. Even though approximately 700-900 girls and women were cut in the 1998-1999 season, this is a very small number compared to the several thousands who were eligible and who would have been cut in the past.

Cheborion believes that two things are important to the elimination of the practice of cutting. First is the sensitization of the people to the harmfulness of the practice. Second is the education of the girls. The foresight, wisdom and courage of Cheborion and the elders is moving. They are pioneers and models of community leaders who realize that to preserve their culture they must recognize and be willing to change what is harmful.

6. Catherine Wakholi, headmistress of Gamatui Girls' Secondary School - She is an example of supporter of the cause to eliminate the practice of cutting. From Mbale District, at the foot of Mt. Elgon, Wakholi is active in the Catholic Women’s League of Uganda, a dedicated educator, and a supporter of all efforts to oppose FGM in Kapchorwa. She is especially concerned about the education of the Gamatui girls, many of whose parents will refuse to pay school fees if the girls do not agree to be cut, but who are also likely to drop out of school if they are cut. When parents cannot or do not pay fees for her students, Wakholi tries to keep them on somehow. To help on both sides of the issue, urging girls not to be cut nd also helping to fund their schooling, Wakholi looks to anti-FGM NGOs. She would like to see NGOs maintain "total care" for the girls that choose not to be cut. That is, in addition to school fees being paid, she would like to have money to pay for their medical treatment (malaria and other acute illnesses are frequent), for their uniforms and Sunday clothing, for transportation to and from home, for miscellaneous personal needs and for books.

Some of Wakholi’s students are supported by the Godparents Association and by REACH, so she participates with the programs campaigning to eliminate the practice of cutting. In 1999 she accompanied the Kapchorwa girls sponsorsed by the Godparents Association to Kampala for their two week enrichment program.

7. Uganda Government – When Kuka first began to campaign against FGM, the national government took no position about female genital cutting. She explained, "(U)p to 1985, the government was silent about female cutting. It was a taboo. Nobody was talking bout it. Not until 1986, when the current government came to power, was the strong commitment to women’s development and human rights in place. That is why, during the recent presidential elections, all women gave their votes to the president, Yoweri Museveni, because he had supported women’s rights. This is the time I launched a full campaign" (Kuka 1991).

Museveni has supported women’s rights in every sector. The president is seen as a brave and respected leader, and a tireless champion of education, equality, and advancement for women. He chose a woman physician, Speciosa Wandira Kazibwe, as his vice-president and has appointed a number of other outstanding women to his cabinet. FGM is an issue of serious concern to the president. To help the Sabiny replace the festivities surrounding circumcision and cutting with an alternative festival, the government has supported Culture Day. Various national dignitaries have attended these festivities, including President Museveni himself. It was during his visit there in December 1998 that one of the authors of this paper met with President Museveni in Kapchorwa Town. The President is also the patron (official sponsor) of the Godparents Association.

Other government participation extends to the US Ambassador to Uganda, Nancy Powell, who presented a check to the Gamatui Girls’ Secondary School from the Godparents Association. Some members of Parliament and business leaders supported the Godparents’ Association holiday enrichment program for the girls in Kampala by providing materials.

8. REACH (Reproductive, Educative, and Community Health program) - This is a pilot project was funded by the United Nations Population Fund in 1996 and has continued on a limited basis since then. Developed by Ugandans, including Kuka and led by the UNFPA’s Francois Farah, their work consisted of holding "culturally sensitive" seminars to educate the community leaders about the consequences of FGM. As a result of their work, the tribal Elders and others were able to develop ways to affirm their culture but drop the damaging practice of cutting.

REACH helped to establish Culture Day to celebrate the positive aspects of the District’s traditions. Culture Day was established to coincide with the opening of the circumcision period.

REACH also trained secondary school students as peer counselors to educate their classmates about FGM. Currently they pay part of the school fees for 2 girls in each of the 54 parishes of District.

In 1996, the year of the REACH project, the number of girls and women circumcised in Kapchorwa was was 334, a reduction of 36%. In 1998, however, about 700-900 girls were reportedly cut, double the 1996 figure. One reason for this is that even the REACH program has been unable to penetrate into the most remote parts to "sensitize" people about FGM, and thus the population continues their traditional practices and thinking.

A second reason for the increase was the backlash based on the public attention attracted by NGO involvement, especially that of REACH. In 1998, a group of dissident elders took advantage of the political climate and controversy and formed the Promote Sabiny Culture group. The girls REACH selected had been daughters of influential people. Other families became envious, and the REACH funding became divisive. The Promote Sabiny Culture Project members didn’t cut their own daughters, but they persuaded others to be cut in retaliation for not being selected by REACH. The PSCP elders were able to gain support by voicing the conservative, pro-culture views of many Sabiny who had been bystanders in the FGM controversy.

A third reason for the increase may be that those girls who were able to forego cutting in 1996 because of REACH were cut in 1998 after the backlash, perhaps after they had married. We were told that a large proportion of the women cut in 1998 were recently married women who were forced into it by their mothers-in-law.

9. Godparents Association – This is a non-profit charitable organization based in the U.S., formed to support alternatives to FGM in Kapchorwa and work with Jane Frances Kuka. . Currently the organization pays school fees of young Kapchorwa women who pledge not to be cut. The intention is to assure their full education and emergence into the wider life of their country and the world. Schools are contacted and girls who are interested are encouraged to apply for sponsorship of their fees. Groups of girls are also taken to Kampala for holiday enrichment programs during the May and August school holidays. For two weeks the girls are tutored in preparation for exams, go sightseeing, are introduced to women leaders from Uganda including Kuka, and are educated about FGM and AIDS prevention. In 2000, the Godparents Association is paying the fees for 21 girls who will serve as role models and disseminators of information to other girls. Each has promised to speak to at least 50 other girls and educate them about the dangers of FGM. These young women explained that all students understand that they should not be cut, but when their parents force them, they feel unable to resist. Many asked members of the Godparents Association to talk to their parents for them. For the young women to resist being cut requires enormous courage and willpower. Their determination is not enough in and of itself. If they are dependent in village life they will eventually be obliged to submit to cutting.

Sensitization seminars are being created for students and their parents in Kapchorwa. Future plans include building a school, a counseling center for families suffering the effects of FGM, and a skills-training facility for former Surgeons and married women to become economically self-sufficient.

10. Promote Sabiny Culture Project – In the 1998 circumcision season, a dissident group of elders split off from the Sabiny Elders Association (SEA) because of personal and political differences, in part over the use of the U.N. Population Aware received. They designated themselves the "Promote Sabiny Culture Project" and were outspoken in their public advocacy of FGM. They offered $100 and gifts of cloth and animals to families who agreed to cut their daughters, creating a stir within the community. Although a greater number of girls were cut in 1998 than in the previous season, no one believes that PSCP alone caused the increase. By July of 1999, many local residents we spoke with were suspicious about the motivation of this group, claiming they were serving their own personal and political purposes rather than the Sabiny culture. We were told that some people took their money and gifts but did not cut their daughters. Whether or not this group will appear as a player again during the 2000 circumcision season is not certain.

Kuka is a key player in the dynamics of the District regarding the custom of FGM. In fact she is known throughout Uganda for her advocacy on this issue. Clearly without her, the situation today would be very different. It appears that there is no one else who has lobbied so consistently, so publicly or so long to eliminate the custom. From Kuka’s own story, it is the advise she got from her mother and grandmother that first started her on the path of opposition to cutting. There are probably others like Kuka’s mother and grandmother who oppose cutting but do not speak against it because of the prevailing social norms. That Kuka later had to persuade her family to help her escape the ritual indicates that even they were not entirely prepared to go against the norm. Perhaps they were fearful of her chances of getting a husband if she was not cut. Their desire to conform was probably reluctant, however, and the job of convincing them may not have been difficult. In all likelihood, because Kuka was willing to face the ramifications of the action, her parents agreed to support her. Still it is evident that she went further in defying tradition than they might have wanted her to, or than they felt comfortable with.

Convincing the community that it would be undignified for her as a teacher to be cut in the same ceremony as her students indicates Kuka’s social savvy, and her sensitivity and concern for her people. To refuse to be cut point blank would have earned her rejection by at least some of her community. Further, it would have made her "cause" a divisive issue, since some would undoubtedly defend her and others would not. By side-stepping the issue, Kuka was able to remain an important figure within the community, and remain in close contact with all of the players.

Going to the government minister in 1988 was a bold and somewhat dangerous move on the part of Kuka and her supporters, a desperate measure of last resort. It was an appeal to a superior power outside of the District. Kuka and her supporters were clearly in a position of no power – Kuka even more so because as a "girl" she had no way to address the community as a whole. They were clearly stepping outside of the accepted lines of authority and power. Except for the fact that FGM was an issue of concern to the national government of Uganda, their efforts would have failed. As it happened, the government did respond – with a personal visit to the area. Such a visit by nationally known figures is an uncommon occurrence – one worthy of celebration. Thus the importance of the visit must have off-set the displeasure the people in the District might have felt about the occasion for the visit. Further, for Kuka to have ridden in the helicopter with the notorious national female politician gave her increased status among her people. This status off set the displeasure at the fact that she was contradicting popular opinion.

It is unlikely that Kuka, in all her years of lobbying against cutting actually changed the views of very many of her supporters. It is more likely that she managed to strengthen the doubts that the people already had to the point where they were willing to stand with her in opposition to tradition, or at least not oppose her. This may be a further reason that she was elected to represent her District after the helicopter incident. Those who opposed the practice of cutting could see in her a willingness to stand up for what she perceived as right. She possessed a strength to defy tradition that they did not have.

Certainly Kuka had a role – albeit indirect - in the formation of the Sabiny Elders Association. Her continuous challenging of a local custom, along with national media coverage of FGM at the time, is likely to have been a cause of the law requiring all females in the District to be cut. This was most probably a backlash to her years of campaigning. The surprise visit by a powerful visitor to the area was a second major factor that contributed to the uneasiness of outside interference. It was undoubtedly perceived as a threat to the traditional culture. At the same time, the support of a government minister for the elimination of cutting probably made it possible for the Elders to come out against the custom. Without the actions of Kuka, neither of these events may have come to pass. Without these two events, the elders of the District may not have felt the need to form an association to preserve their culture, and negotiate through the winds of change.

Sociologists have long argued the "great man" (or "great woman") theory. Are historical events the result of the actions of one great person? If that person hadn’t been there, would another person have risen to shape the social forces according to the time? If our hypothesis is correct that at least some people secretly oppose cutting, it is logical to think that if Kuka had not started the campaign against cutting someone else would have. Nevertheless, it is hard to imagine that any change would take place without the courageous actions of one or more persons to start it.

The role played by Kuka in this situation points to yet another important fact. Change of an ingrained custom takes time. Despite her convictions, and all of her efforts, little was accomplished for many years. In fact, at one time, with the passage of the law requiring all females to be cut, it seemed as if her efforts were actually having the opposite effect. By continued determination and persistence, as well as shrewd use of indigenous cultural influences, this hurdle and many others were overcome.

In addition, it seems logical to conclude that because Kuka was from that District, she could accomplish what others would not have been able to do. That is, those who stood with her in the beginning stages may not have been willing to stand with an "outsider."

Government: Female cutting became an issue for the Museveni government when Kuka and her supporters went to a government minister in 1988, seeking help to stop enactment of the local law mandating cutting for all women. If this government had not considered women’s issues important, Kuka would not have gotten the kind of support she did. In that case, the local law mandating cutting would not have been repealed – at least at that juncture, Kuka would not have gotten the support of the elders, and she would not have been subsequently elected to parliament.

The more recent support of Culture Day and visits by national government officials to the area helps support the effort of REACH and the Elders to create an alternative festival. Whether Culture Day can replace the circumcision and cutting festival remains to be seen. Certainly it will take the cooperation of all the parties, and general enthusiasm of the community for it to be an important occasion. And even if it is an important occasion, it may never grow to replace the circumcision festivities. It is hard to imagine an arranged celebration, even one that involves national figures, replacing the significance of a most personal life-changing event, which the cutting is. It would seem that in order for it to have a similar meaning and be regarded as a replacement, Culture Day would have to involve some personal commitments or ceremonies. Or to be expanded upon with adjoining ceremonies and celebrations.

Surgeons: Because cutting is the source of the surgeons livelihood, it is unlikely that they will be eager to give it up unless there is an alternative way to acquire material goods. Some locally active NGOs like the IAC (Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices affecting the Health of Women and Children) have retrained some surgeons as traditional birth attendants (TBAs). As a result some have given up genital cutting. One surgeon commented that in the past she had walked around the District offering her skills. Now she only cut those whose parents came to her.

The cutting also gives the surgeons status, but this is less difficult situation. An alternative system can be developed, giving them a place of honor as elders in the tribe.

Women in the community: A bigger problem is the women in the community. Because the cutting is their entre into communal participation, it is hard for them to advocate elimination of the practice. Would that mean that the would loose their rights in the community? Would that mean that any woman, without condition would have the same rights? What characteristic would distinguish between a girl and a woman? While these questions may not seem important to a western mind, it is easy to see that for these women they are vital in dealing with this issue.

Catherine Wakholi, headmistress of Gamatui Girls’ Secondary School: As a supporter of efforts to oppose FGM, and as headmistress, she can influence the girls to a great extent. More than many others, she is familiar with the struggles that they go through – the hopes that they have, and the pressures to which they succumb. Further, without her support, and others like her in the educational field, it would not be possible to develop peer educators. As it is, the school is often a haven for the girls – away from the pressures in the rest of the community.

REACH also ran into trouble by selecting girls who were daughters of influential people in Kapchorwa. Excluded families were envious, and the funding became a divisive issue. Those who were not supported became jealous. The Promote Sabiny Culture Project tapped into the disgruntled feeling among some Sabiny and actually advocated cutting as a means of preserving their culture. Ironically, the members of the Promote Sabiny Culture group did not cut their own daughters, but they may have been successful in convincing others.

People who were not directly involved with either group, who received nothing from anybody voiced the attitude: "Well, if we are not getting anything, we might as well go ahead and circumcise our girls and get the bride price." And they did. And the number of girls reported to hve been circumcised doubled what it was the previous season.

Thus the infusion of cash from outside, the inconsistent intervention of NGOs, and the poverty of the local people combined to divide the community and impede the decline of female cutting in Kapchorwa. The decision not to cut one’s daughter became tied to the expectation of receiving money. Where poverty is great, even a small amount of money can have a great effect, for good or ill. This demonstrates that funds from outside must be used with great care, being aware of the precedents so easily set. Consistency and commitment in intervention is also important. A program that shows promise in discouraging cutting should be take advantage of the momentum to push forward full force. When effective programs like REACH are abandoned or diminished, the level of cynicism, resentment, and community division is increased, making it that much harder for their successors.

Elders: The money the Elders received also became divisive. Despite the fact that they built a building to be used by others, some in the community criticized them and demanded that the funds be used for locally popular purposes. Although this was done, some people were still offended. Longstanding personal conflicts and grudges among the elders combined with the funding controversy so that a group of the elders split off and formed the Promote Sabiny Culture Project, specifically to promote girls’ cutting in the 1998 season.

Promote Sabiny Culture Project: This backlash group appeared in 1998 to undo the work for which REACH and the Sabiny Elders Association had received internationl praise and rewards. It is possible that some parents who were ambivalent were encouraged to cut their daughters when the PSCP elders loudly advocated FGM. Certainly these elders would not have stepped forward and taken so public a position if they had not felt that a large proportion of their constituents were ready to respond. Although most of the leaders in Tingey county, which includes the capital of the District, Kapchorwa Town, are proud that they do not circumcise their daughters, everybody else is fair game for the cultural winds that blow. In the other counties and remote subcounties even of Tingey, most people do not even understand what you are saying when you try to explain that they shouldn't cut their daughters.

However, the number of girls cut is still much lower than those eligible to be cut, so it is questionable how much more successful the PSCP can be. Because those who are working to eliminate the practice have high status in the community, it is unlikely that their influence can be completely blocked for long – unless the PSCP is serious and becomes more effective. Failing that, the insurgency of the PSCP is likely to be a bump in the road, similar to the 1988 bylaw that was passed mandating cutting for all women.

Because cutting is such an important custom to the Sabiny people, with much at stake for several groups involved, it is impractical to recommend national legislation against it at present. Passage of laws by individuals outside of the District, and even programs conceived by NGOs foreign to the area (REACH, IAC, the Family Planning Association, and the Godparents Association) need to be sensitive to the meaning of cutting within the Sabiny culture. Further, elimination can only be accomplished by replacing this most important public/private occasion with a similarly meaningful occasion. Several other points can be drawn from this study.

Sometimes FGM is portrayed as a gender issue. Regardless of how it came into existence, our analysis demonstrates that it is far too complicated to be considered only a problem of gender. It no longer is a custom symbolizing male power. Among the Sabiny, as elsewhere (Ebomoyi 1987), women are its strongest advocates. It has become something that touches on the deepest parts of culture as well as the deepest parts of an individual. Levels of meaning that need to be addressed within the Sabiny culture are:

1. Financial. All people involved have financial/material concerns at stake in this practice. Girls receive gifts, similar to wedding gifts. Parents receive gifts. Surgeons receive fees. To ignore this side is similar to asking westerners to give up gift giving at Christmas and Weddings. To ask the Surgeons to give up their fees is to ask them to give up their livelihood.
2. Adolescent Passage: The circumcision and cutting is a time when the whole District focuses on the youth for three weeks. There is rejoicing in the hope of the future that is seen in the young people. Tribal secrets are passed on to the youth and cohort groups are formed. It is a significant time of tribal identity.
3. Social Status. Everyone involved goes through a status change because of the cutting. The girls become women. The parents become parents of women. Cohort groups are formed and the girls receive their place in society from them. The Surgeons also receive a place of honor. To ask each of them to give up this status is bound to fail unless it is replaced with an alternative means of acquiring a similar status.
4. Social Camaraderie: The cutting festival is an occasion that brings friends and relatives together from surrounding villages. Special food is prepared, special activities are held. It is also a time when the whole District celebrates together. Things that might divide people at other times are set aside during this time. It is similar to Christmas or weddings in the west.

Finally, the factors at work within the Sabiny, where cutting takes place at adolescence, are likely to be very different from those societies that circumcise girls at a much younger age, where passage into adulthood is not a factor.

Some researchers have suggested that the way to end FGM is to arrange for mass renunciation of the custom by its practitioners. Mackie (1998) draws historical parallels to the Chinese custom of foot binding. As a cultural practice, footbinding persisted for over a thousand years, was universal among all "decent" Chinese, was undented by imperial prohibition. Yet, it ended within a generation, suddenly and universally – through the pledge societies – a technique originally used by missionaries and adopted on a national level in 1895.

Footbinding has different cultural factors associated with it. It resembles cutting in that both are a physical deformity done intentionally to women. However, footbinding did give Chinese women a voice in society, or make her a village elder. It was not done by Surgeons, who were paid for their efforts, and received a place of honor in society because of their actions. It had no unnatural belief that body parts would grow to abnormal size without action. And although footbinding was undoubtedly painful, 15% of those whose feet were bound did not die each year.

These are significant differences, which lead us to argue that whatever the virtues of Mackie’s model of change, it may not apply to cutting among the Sabiny. At least, it would not apply until AFTER the other issues are addressed. Once an alternative festival is in place, once an alternative source of livelihood is found for the Surgeons, once an alternative "graduation" practice is found to mark passage of young girls into women – perhaps a mass pledge would work. But it is unlikely to work without addressing these issues.

Westerners usually react in disgust when they learn about the custom of FGM. They wonder how it is possible that people can submit to such painful and obviously harmful practices. But we should remind ourselves that our own culture has had some barbaric customs in our past. Prior to modern medicine, people were bled in a belief that it would help the healing process. Even into the twentieth century, Western doctors performed clitoridectomies on women as treatment for mental and emotional illness. In the early part of the 20^th century, doctors performed lobotomies thinking it would help mental patients. Even today we have practices that are questionable. Cancer patients submit to chemotherapy and radiation, which in the word of one doctor is essentially cutting, burning, and poisoning the body (Whitaker 2000). Few westerners have the courage to defy medical tradition and pursue alternative, and sometimes more successful and certainly more humane, treatments for this dreaded disease. There is no question that FGM is a custom that should be eliminated. But to condemn it out of hand because it is so foreign to our own sensitivities is itself insensitive.

It is clear that without a movement from within the society itself, it is difficult to think that a custom so deeply embedded in the culture can be changed. Without Kuka and the Elders it is doubtful that any lasting change could take place.

Outsiders can play a very important role – as did the Ugandan government and the REACH project in this case. But any help must be offered carefully, especially if it involves money or material aid. Any attempt to "pay people" for their actions will create other issues that may be divisive to the community. The lack of cutting should be a reward in itself. And monetary aid should be made available to everyone on an equal basis.

Westerners often react in disgust to the custom of FGM, but it is important not to allow our own moral framework to blind us to the structures of meaning created by another people. In addition to monetary help, we can applaud the courage of those who work to change their own custom. We can support those who wish to change and help them find the additional resources to make that change. We can suggest, and present facts. We can help create alternatives. If we are religious we may love and pray for them. But we cannot live other peoples’ lives for them.

Hopefully this analysis has gone some way toward creating a deeper understanding of the Sabiny and their custom of cutting.

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