*Copyright 1997 Sara Horsfall, All Rights Reserved

As a subjective phenomena, the spiritual experience has often been considered beyond the scope of scientific research. Taking their cue from the physical scientists, sociologists largely ignored this dimension of human life despite the fact that it has so many important consequences. Another ignored area, emotions, is being acknowledged as important but spirituality has not yet achieved that status. Those who have examined or used the concept of spirituality in recent years take it to be distinct from religion - having to do with an inner, experiential aspect of life. Spirituality is further defined and discussed. Several academic misconceptions about spirituality that have developed over the years due to its marginal status are examined. Finally, four questions about our scientific knowledge that are raised by spirituality are discussed.

Spirituality has had an impact on people's lives, and on society in several ways. First, within religion, it is central to the religious experience, and it is at the core of major religions and denominations which trace their origins to the revelation of a founder. Second, spirituality is a component in religious-related phenomena and movements, such as New Religious Movements, Mary worshippers. Third, spirituality has had an indirect influence on social movements, such as those associated with abolition, women's suffrage, prison reform and 19^th century Spiritualism. Fourth, spirituality is part of the popular culture today, as evidenced by the numerous movies on ghosts and spirits, the recent interest in angels and Wicca, and the popularity of spiritual healing. Fifth, an aspect of spirituality can be found in medicine and in mental illness, and is recognizable in parapsychology, dream analysis and symbols. Sixth, law enforcement is more likely to make use of spiritual knowledge today than in the past, for instance an increasing number of police departments use psychics in their detective work, and psychics are often used in jury selection (Lyons and Truzzi 1991:240). Seventh, spirituality has played a role in international affairs, and even in the work of government agencies. Since the 1970s the US Defense Department and CIA together have employed 16 psychics and spent some $20 million to eliminate the psychic gap between the US and the former Soviet Union and increase national intelligence (Lyons and Truzzi 191; Vistica 1995).

Despite the obvious role of spirituality in the lives of many people, and its direct and indirect influence on social phenomena throughout the years, it has sometimes been invisible in the academic and scientific circles. This is primarily because of the subjective nature of spirituality: it is something that happens to an individual. Aside from observing the effects, one cannot witness another's spiritual experience. This invisible phenomena cannot be captured with the usual empirical, linear methods of scientific inquiry. Like emotions, which are just beginning to be examined by sociologists, spirituality was largely taken for granted. Another reason spirituality has not been studied within Sociology has to do with Enlightenment disregard for religion, and the subsequent exclusion of both religion and spirituality from scientific inquiry. In this paper early sociologists use and understanding of the spirituality is explained, three academic misperceptions of spirituality are examined, and then four questions that spirituality raises about our scientific knowledge are discussed.

The concept of spirit and its adjective spiritual that is used here is similar to the invisible reality referred to by Durkheim in his concepts of collective conscious, creative effervescence, norm, homo-duplex, society sui generis. Durkheim thought of the psychic life as a transcendent religious force that is realized "in and through" different individuals so that it becomes "imminent in them…they feel it present and active within them" (1965:253). This force was so primary to the social life that Durkheim argued that the very concept of force first arose within humans in a religious context, and only later came to be used within science. "So the idea of force is of religious origin. It is from religion that it has been borrowed, first by philosophy, then by the sciences" (Durkheim 1965:234).

At least two other early sociologists also described an invisible reality that had an important impact on the social life. Weber used the term charisma. Recent analysis of Weber's concept has focused on the socially produced charisma found in the interaction between leader and follower. But in Sociology of Religion, Weber clearly describes another aspect of charisma - something that is the solitary property of an individual who possesses magical or extraordinary powers. It is associated with ecstatic states, which are themselves a pre-condition for healing, divination and telepathy (1978:400,401).

For Simmel the spiritual is the transcendent aspect of life. Religion is the "spiritual complex associated with the transcendental existence," and both are composed of the same emotions and relationships found in the other, non-religious social life (1959:11).

Today's researchers vary in the way they use and understand of the term spirituality. In fact, it is often left as an undefined term. Roof (1993) sees spirit as the inner, experiential aspect of religion in contrast with institutions such as churches, which are the outer, more established and familiar form of religion. Birren (1990) sees spirituality as a component of maturity which contrasts with the extroversion of youth. Traits of Birren's spiritual maturity include interiority, passivity and concern for personal satisfaction. His focus on the internal is reminiscent of a much earlier work by Allport and Ross (1967), who distinguished the extrinsically motivated religious from the intrinsically motivated religious. The former are concerned about status, self-justification, and security, whereas the latter are concerned about the meaning of the religious experience in itself. Hood (1975) related this intrinsic quality to the mystic experience, and used W. T. Stace's phenomenological characteristics of the mystic experience to develop a mysticism scale that included the qualities of timelessness, unification, the noetic (non-rational source of knowledge), ineffability (can't be put into words), a positive influence and a religious element (stimulates feelings of mystery or awe). Another early conception of spirituality was that of Stark and Glock (1968:39-66), who include the religious experience as one of the five dimensions of religious commitment. Yinger (1969;1970:16) identified the mystic experience as universal, and argued that the supernatural is that part of religion which is "beyond the reach of constant refutation by the facts of immediate experience." Stark and Bainbridge (1979) note that when there is too little emphasis on the supernatural in society, then new religious movements begin to arise, which has a revitalizing effect. Schervish (1995) points to another dimension of spirituality - that which is unpleasant; he describes spirituality in terms of both mysterium (life-giving ideas, sentiments and behaviors) and onus (debilitating ideas, sentiments and behaviors).

Swatos (1990:471) turns to the English definition coming out of the spiritualism movement of the 19th century - a "movement entirely based on a belief in, and the practice of, regular communication with the dead." McClenon (1994:1) uses the term wondrous events instead of spiritual, by which he means phenomena thought to exceed scientific explanation, including such things as extrasensory perception, apparitions, out of body and near death experiences, spiritual possession, pain and heat immunity, psychokinesis (mind over matter), poltergeist (noisy spirits), miraculous healing, and contact with the dead. For Hardy (1979:131), spirituality is revealed in a person's feelings for a transcendental reality, such as the sense of something other than self and the desire to personalize and communicate with that presence. Hardy's theory of awareness of the transcendent reality correspond to Glock and Stark's (1965) three levels of a religious experience. The three levels are confirmation (when a sense of awe is aroused), response (when the experiencer is convinced he or she is acknowledged by the spiritual presence), and ecstatic (when the experiencer develops a close personal relationship with the spiritual presence, sometimes with sexual overtones).

Clements (1990:55) sees spirit as "the activating or essential principle influencing a person"; it neither dominates nor is dominated by the body in a predictable way. Moberg (1990:6) developed a scale to measure spiritual well-being, which includes self and other: "Spiritual well-being is the affirmation of life in a relationship with God, self, community and environment that nurtures and celebrates wholeness." Similarly, spirituality for Canda (1988:30) is "the human striving for a sense of meaning and purpose through moral relations between people and ultimate reality." Through a review of religious literature, Canda concludes that spirituality is not limited to the nonphysical realm, but is a part of loving relationships between individuals. It is also part of the confrontation of human limitations and suffering. McGuire (1993), who emphasizes a holistic approach to understanding health, asserts that spiritual, emotional, social and physical aspects of well-being are fundamentally interconnected. For Ellison and Smith (1991:37) the spirit is what enables and motivates us. It stimulates us to search for the supernatural, and to search for a meaning that transcends everyday life. It is the spirit that synthesizes the total personality and provides some sense of energizing direction and order.

Several sociological studies of spirituality have been conducted, most commonly under the rubric of paranormal. The most well-known one was done by Greeley (1975) who found that 3/5 of America's population experience deja vu and ESP, 1/4 are clairvoyant and more than one-fourth have had contact with the dead. Hay and Morisy (1978) had similar results in Great Britain. In a lesser known study of mysticism, Thomas and Cooper (1978) found that one third of their respondents reported an intense spiritual experience. Some demographic differences in these experiences have been found, although they are not conclusive. The lower class feels closer to God and has more repetition of supernatural experiences (Chalfant, Beckley and Palmer 1987:274); belief in the paranormal is not correlated with age, education, race or employment (Emmons and Sobal 1981); there are some correlation of spiritual qualities and experiences with gender differences (MacDonald 1992; Coakley 1991; Emmons and Sobal 1981; Fosu 1992).

Another aspect of spirituality studied by sociologists is reported encounters with the dead (MacDonald 1992, Haraldsson 1988; Kalish and Reynold 1973; Osis and Haraldsson 1977). MacDonald (1992) recommends renaming this phenomenon "idionecrophanies," but Osis and Haraldsson are more religious in their approach. Yet another aspect studied is that of prayer, studied by Ralph Hood. A recent study by Hood and others (Williamson, Morris and Hood 1995) claims that prayer is a predictor of well-being.

Defining Spirituality

The definition of spirit used here is generally compatible with the above studies, and with early sociological theorists. Spirit is the intangible or invisible aspects of human nature consisting specifically of the faculties of intellect, agency (or will) and affect (or emotion). The word spiritual is either an adjective, or describes a person's sensitivity to the intangible. The word spirituality refers to matters of the spirit, or experience of the spirit.

Spirituality is not the same as religion in two respects. First, religion has a moral component that spirituality does not have, any more than physicality has a moral or non-moral component. Second, the contents of a spiritual experience may well contradict doctrine of the individual's religion. In fact, a conflict may develop between those who have spiritual experiences and the relevant religious authorities. McClenon (1994:243) found that religious authorities value spiritual perceptions less than established doctrine and they "rarely encourage psychic experiences." Fox (1992) found that paranormal experiences were largely independent of major sociodemographic variables, including religion. Hood (1975) found that the mystic experience is composed of both a mystic factor (which he measured by tallying experiences), and a religious factor. Hood concluded that the two dimensions may be found in a single experience, as in the mystic experience, or they may occur separately. Many or even most of the researchers who study spirituality also separate spirituality and religion (Brenner 1991, Moberg 1990). Some spiritual experiences, in fact, appear to have no direct relationship to religion: deja vu, communication with the dead, spiritual possession, ESP, some instances of out of body and near death experiences, and others.

Nor is spirituality the same as belief. What people BELIEVE the spiritual reality to be does not add to our knowledge of spirituality is. Beliefs are not veridical, and as such are impossible to study in any way other than treating them as opinions. McClenon (1994) argues that rather than experiences being shaped by belief - a common conception, it is actually experience that shapes belief. There are many instances in which a person's beliefs are altered following a dramatic experience. This cause and effect sequence would explain why those who have spiritual experiences often have very different beliefs from others in their culture.

Whereas religion is composed of beliefs and willful behaviors with a moral component, spirituality is the experiential aspect of the transcendent is what is identified as spirituality. Spirituality and religion are not meant to be competitors, however. In fact, they often go hand in hand. While one might be spiritual without being religious, or religious without being spiritual, the very spiritual tend to be religious, and the very religious tend to be spiritual. Experience, although potentially colored by beliefs, is more of an event and as such is more likely to remain fundamentally unchanged over time.

This definition of spirituality, then, distinguishes it from religion, and emphasizes experience rather than belief. By doing so, a wide range of phenomenon can be included - going far beyond the similarities of denomination, or even religion to a more basic characteristic. No scholarly attempt has been made to bring this diverse range of experience together, to examine it, and identify the component parts.

The Ideal Spiritual Life World

A study was conducted of the spiritual experiences of persons belonging to different groups: charismatics, mystics, New Religious Movements, 19^th century spiritualists, Wicca and feminist spirituality as well as other notable spiritual experiences such as the experience of angels, Marian Apparitions, Near Death Experiences, psychic experiences such as communication with the dead; apparitions, ghosts and poltergeists; the occult; and experiences of hallucinatory patients. Experience is defined as including both the noesis (the experience that an individual has of an object, person, or situation), and the noema (the object of the experience) (Rogers 1983:33). The term "life world" came from Schutz, who used it to capture the mental frame of mind of an individual in their ordinary life: the "world in which a person is wide awake, and which asserts itself as the paramount reality of his life" (Schutz 1970:320). This term is adapted to represent the world experienced not during everyday life, but during a spiritual experience. It is not everyday life that is of interest in this study, but the world that asserts itself as a paramount reality at particular junctures, mainly during spiritual experiences. Descriptions of spiritual experiences indicate that they are an alternative reality that is not experienced continually but in episodic junctures. Further, the experience is not usually maintained for long periods of time. More correctly, in most cases it is an intermittent reality, or intermittent life world. A person fighting against spirit possession, for instance, most assuredly does not maintain the same view of reality during possession as between episodes. In contrast, the shaman may be able to maintain an other-worldly attitude between experiences, but even for him (usually a male), a trance state is periodic. "Spiritual Life World," then, refers to the reality that asserts itself during a spiritual experience.

Weber's concept of "Ideal" is used to convey the fact that there are similar characteristics in the "Spiritual Life World" of each individual and between groups. Use of the term "ideal" is somewhat different from Weber's analytical construct in which elements of reality are synthesized into a whole, but never exist together as a totality "in reality" (Coser 1977:223). Here the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" does not refer to an analytical construct, however, since it is not an abstraction but a composite picture of the spiritual experiences. Because this study is limited to defining a sociological area and laying the groundwork for a future work, there is less concern, at this point, with analytical constructs than with simple description. The "Ideal Spiritual Life World" is a reconstruction (description) of a particular view of reality. Perhaps the difference can be illustrated by thinking of a house inhabited by 5 different people. Each resident gives a different description of the house, based on what is important to him or her. After collecting all five descriptions, one could expect to have a fairly good overall picture of the house (unless all 5 were blind, in which case the description would have a particular bias). Such a composite description is different from Weber's ideal type of "house", which has no reality on its own, and may include functional descriptions as well. The "ideal house" of these 5 people is a reconstruction of the house as it was experienced by them. If there are conflicts in the descriptions (conflicts in the slices of data), it is not assumed that one account is correct and another is not correct. Rather, other means are sought to account for the discrepancy, such as comparing the nature of the experiences from which the accounts arose. For instance, if the nature of one experience is to notice things in great detail, whereas another only sees those beings or things that have a direct bearing on the meaning of the situation, a greater weight might be given to descriptions of the former and to the functional components of the latter.

Use of the term "Ideal" is similar to Weber's to the extent that any given spiritual experience is unlikely to replicate all the elements of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World." "Ideal", as it is used here, conveys a conceptual reality that goes beyond the specifics of the particular situation. Using the term "Ideal" is a way to group together and talk about the categories of a subjective phenomena. "Ideal" in this sense is similar to Jung's concept of archetypes. Jung thought that there were certain universal images that expressed themselves differently in individual consciousnesses. Thus, a mother figure in one person's dream is large and jolly, and in another she is delicate and sensitive. The relationship the two dreamers have to the mother figures is what is important in the dream, not the appearance of the figure. Similarly, the relationship of the experiencer to the aspects of the spiritual reality determines the characteristics' importance in the description here. An individual may or may not have a relationship with a Weberian ideal - an abstract concept.

When comparing one category with another, fourteen characteristics were found that were common to spiritual experiences in each of the different groups examined although no one experience reflected all of them at once. That is, all of the fourteen characteristics were found in one, several or all of the accounts examined in each of the groups. People in each category had different belief systems, but the experiences they described were similar -14 characteristics appeared in each of the different categories. These fourteen characteristics form the identity of the "ideal spiritual life world." A brief summary of the characteristics is given in Appendix A and B. The study itself is much more extensive, hence it is impossible to detail all the results here.

Prior to a discussion of the ways in which spirituality challenges science it is necessary to address the misconceptions that have arisen about spirituality. The first of these misconceptions is that spiritual experiences are unusual, or extra-ordinary - they do not represent the usual frame of mind of most people (which implies that an ordinary study of social phenomena need not include spirituality). One must be cautious when using such terms to describe spirituality. It is erroneous to take a subjective value judgment for a cultural reality. The fact that they are not everyday occurrences for a particular individual does not make them extraordinary events culturally. Marriages are not daily occurrences for an individual; it is unusual for an individual to have been married many times. Yet marriage is in no way an extraordinary event culturally. In fact, it is quite ordinary. The same could be said for spiritual experiences. To have a Near-Death experience may be quite extraordinary for a single individual, but that does not mean that it is extraordinary culturally, as researchers have recently discovered.

Are spiritual experiences common to most societies? McClenon (1994:152) found similarities in the paranormal experiences - apparitions, out of body experiences, contact with the dead and precognitive dreams - of medieval Asia and medieval Europe. Experiences of Christian mystics were recorded as far back as the 4th and 5th century. Anthropologists have found evidence of shamanism in peoples around the world and extending back at least a thousand years. Modern day Charismatics have developed within the last few decades in the west, and then expanded around the world. Descriptions of the charismatic experience today is almost identical with descriptions of experience in the Bible. A century or more ago, 19th century spiritualists claimed to communicate with the dead in a similar way that some people do today. Within the Christian tradition, many unusual, or spiritual phenomena accompanied Jesus and the early Christians - including that Jesus himself was raised someone from the dead, and reappeared several times after he died. The recurrence of these experiences in different times and different places makes it inappropriate to call then unusual in a cultural sense. Spiritual experiences may be extraordinary to an individual, but they are common events in society.

The second misconception is that spiritual experiences are not for everyone, that they are something that only a minority of people experience: they are a fringe phenomena. But one should not mistake normalcy for absolute. What is normal in one era can become uncommon in another era, and vice verse. For instance, four hundred years ago in Europe it was normal for people not to have an education. The common person was not expected to know scientific theories. Some concluded that the uneducated were incapable of learning and comprehending such things. Today school children learn these same theories, history and mathematics that were previously beyond the reach of the majority of the population.

In addition, many social phenomena remain hidden, and are thus underestimated. Incest and child abuse has only in recent years come to be acknowledged as a major phenomena. Similarly, Raymond Moody (1988) thought that Near Death Experiences were a rare occurrence when he first spoke about them publicly. Today he and many others recognize that people everywhere have had such experiences, but they are not likely to talk about it with others. What is true for Near Death Experiences may well be true for other kinds of spiritual experiences as well. Because spiritual experiences are private rather than public, it is hard to know how extensive they are. Even if it is the case that most people do not have spiritual experiences, or that those that do have spiritual experiences have them infrequently that does not mean it will always be that way. The acceptance or non-acceptance of spirituality culturally today says nothing about its acceptance - and even its occurrence if it is accepted - in 50 to 100 years or more.

The third misconception is that spiritual experiences are supernatural, that they exceed the causes of nature. There are many events which appear to go beyond the normal human capabilities that are not called supernatural. For instance, although a person normally needs regular sleep and nutrition, under certain conditions of emotional excitement, they may endure for long periods of time without a thought for either one. Such situations are generally considered special circumstances, because they appear to stretch the usual expectations, rather than belonging to a separate category. And what is considered beyond human capability today may be well within reach at a future date. The limits of human capabilities are not yet known. Many things that were thought impossible centuries ago are now commonplace. And other things which seem impossible today are being challenged. At the turn of the century, life expectancy was only 47 years. Close to a century later, it is expected that a person will live well beyond 47 years - life expectancy has risen to 75. Some medical professionals say that it is possible for humans to live to be 180 years old, although that seems an impossibility to most people today. The fact is, we don't know enough to call spiritual experiences supernatural.

Levin (1994b:1479) prefers to use the term super-empirical, especially when referring to healing that falls outside of the range of contemporary medicine. Super-empirical implies that it is beyond the ability of physical senses or of modern physical instruments to detect. But there are other things beyond the senses which are not considered super-empirical - namely atoms and particles. Scientists don't study them, but their movement, their effects (Capra 1984:38). Particles and atoms cannot be seen. Several hundred years ago even germs and bacteria were super-empirical. Yet with increasing technology, that is no longer the case. We don't know enough to call spiritual experiences super-empirical.

But what does it mean to call something natural? A 19th century understanding of natural was phenomena that are recognized and experienced "before passing judgment about what is possible or impossible" (Toulmin 1986:16). A more current definition of natural is something that occurs in nature as opposed to something that is produced artificially. With regard to spiritual experiences, this translates into the question of whether or not they are something people can be expected to experience regardless of the country, the century, the individual personality. Or, to the contrary, are they something that requires a particular predisposition and belief?

Some researchers argue that an altered consciousness is natural - a part of the "natural mind." Weil (1986:21, 22), who studied drug use during the 1960s, noted the similarity between drug-induced experiences and spiritual experiences. His conclusion is that "the desire to alter consciousness periodically is an innate, normal drive analogous to hunger or the sexual drive.... Like the cyclic urge to relieve sexual tension..., the urge to suspend ordinary awareness arises spontaneously from within, builds to a peak, finds relief, and dissipates - all in accordance with its own intrinsic rhythm." The fact that people who believe so many different things, have such different predispositions, describe their experiences similarly seems to support Weil's argument. There are common characteristics in the spiritual experiences of people around the world and throughout history. We are on firm ground to concluded that spirituality is common to human society, and even common to human nature, even though they do not happen to everyone. Such commonness argues strongly against them being characterized as super- natural.

The questions that spirituality poses for science center around issues reality and the limits of our knowledge. Scientists focusing on the material world have, during the last two centuries, dismissed spiritual experiences as a product of an individual's own mind, hence of no interest to them. Scientists have also regarded spiritual experiences as the product of a culture, or group (i.e. people see angels because they believe in angels; if they didn't believe in angels they wouldn't see them). Finally, spiritual experiences have been explained as chemical reactions - in the body in general, or in the brain. These explanations allow spiritual experiences to be dismissed as subjective phenomena which have little bearing on the world beyond the individual.

However, evidence from this study and others reveals a bias in the above explanations. For 200 years science and religion battled for authority in the public eye, and according to most accounts, science won. Science was thought to have the right to say what is real and what is not, what is a legitimate line of inquiry, and even what is important. Out society gave science that authority. But in terms of spirituality, a closer look at the argument makes it clear that much of the disregard for a spirituality reality was based on the fact that it did not square with the accepted scientific paradigms, the materialist view of reality. It could not be measured, it was not objective, therefore it could not be studied scientifically. Emotions fall into the same category. They had no place in a rational view of the world. But emotions obviously exist, and are very important in human life. In fact, they are something sociologists can ignore only to their peril. Science has developed to a sophisticated level, but there appear to be cracks developing not only when it comes to emotions and spirituality, but elsewhere as well. Physicists are starting to conclude that the mental frame of the theorists colors the theories. Chaos and complexity theorists insist that we'll never find the smallest building blocks of matter, because that's not what we need to know to develop our understanding further. Neurobiologists acknowledge that there are many things about human beings that can't be explained with their traditional view of the body. It's as if we now know all there is to know about the material world by examining it with our linear, objective, deterministic and reductionist methods. To go further, scientists need to look at things differently, and include dimensions that previously were considered unimportant or unscientific. Scientists themselves are developing theories that resemble the views of those who have spiritual experiences.

Spiritual experiences raise the question, "What is real?" and "How do we know it is real?" For two centuries, reality was synonymous with objectivity, but that is no longer adequate. Today theorists are questioning the validity of our senses, and asking if the way our mind works limits our perception and knowledge of reality. The unanswered questions questions have become, "Is there anything 'out-there?" and "Will our knowledge of it ever be complete?"

The limits of a subjective explanation for subjective experiences.

So what causes spiritual experiences? Are they merely subjective - something that goes on only within an individual? Can their occurrence around the world be adequately explained by calling them subjective experiences? Certainly, some phenomena that have all the characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" may seem to be subjective. But there is a difference between granting that some experiences have a subjective cause, and insisting that all spiritual experiences are solely the product of individual minds. Regarding this study, to claim that ALL experiences of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" are the products of individual minds, all of the characteristics would have to be the product of individual minds. But then there would be no characteristics, because each experience would reflect something different, and there would be no similarities between the experiences. Hallucinations are more clearly a subjective experience, but even they exhibit the characteristics found in the other spiritual experiences, indicating that they are not totally a project of the subjective individual. Further, in the additional characteristics there is a communal quality, which contradicts the idea of all experiences being produced by individual minds.

A very real possibility that cannot be discounted is that the ability to have a spiritual experience is something normal to human functioning - that it is something that CAN happen to anyone, although it apparently does not. Such an explanation would account for the existence of similar experiences in diverse places. A further objection arises to explaining spiritual experiences as solely the product of the subjective. How does the subjectivity involved in spiritual experiences differ from the subjectivity of scientists who get inspirational ideas, and pursue them, convinced that they are on the trail of a great scientific discovery? Stories of genius commonly include times when the scientist had a vision that others could not see. Their vision is sometimes, but not always, vindicated with later developments.

The limits of a cultural explanation for subjective experiences.

Sociologists are more likely to look to social influences to explain spiritual experiences. The fact that a communal element has been identified in most of the groups indicates that there are social influences to the spiritual experience. For instance, the community is obviously a contributing factor in charismatic experiences, from sharing experiences to even just knowing there is someone to share the experiences with. Mystics who study the lives of other great mystics no doubt try to imitate them, which brings in a communal or social element. Many of the healing miracles associated with the Marian apparitions are likely to be the result of popular belief in the power of Mary to heal. Cultural or social influences cannot be disregarded as a cause or source of spiritual experiences, but again they cannot be the only source. The 14 characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" indicate that there is something common to spiritual experiences that transcends culture, or time. This leads to the conclusion that aside from all the cultural influences, there is a core of the experience that is recognizable wherever it occurs.

McClenon (1994) found a recognizable core in his study of paranormal experiences - ESP, out of body experiences, near death experiences, apparitional experiences and contact with the dead. He argues that if the source of these experiences is cultural, then the experiences should reflect the uniqueness of the cultures in which they arise. That is, the beliefs would shape the experience, and conversely the experience would reflect the unique characteristics of the belief. This is the cultural source theory. Alternatively, if the source of these experiences is not cultural, then beliefs of the experiencer are likely to be influenced and shaped by the experience. In such a case, there will be universal elements in the experiences. This is the experiential source theory. The overwhelming evidence from his research is that the experiences he examined did not support the cultural source theory, but the experiential source theory.

If the cultural source theory is dismissed so wholeheartedly in relation to paranormal experiences, which compose one of the groups examined here from which the fourteen characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" were drawn, there is no alternative but to dismiss the same cultural source theory as the sole cause for spiritual experiences in general. A closer examination of the other characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" may well reveal a similar conclusion about them.

The limited role of biology in spiritual experiences.

Perhaps there is a biological cause for these experiences. This is the usual explanation for not only altered consciousness, but many other socio-emotional phenomena. For instance, for all the romanticism of love, it is generally acknowledge that biology has a role to play in physical attraction, especially in young people where hormonal changes are well known. In sociology, it is often assumed that biology is at the basis of the emotions we experience. In addition to the a youth experiencing puppy love there is the heightened awareness aroused by instinctual fear might understandably cause a person who is attacked to react in anger. Certain actions are associated with biological reactions, such as intense physical exercise not only makes one feel better but makes one resistant to disease as well. Altered states of consciousness can be produced by activities such as fasting, meditation, prayer, isolation, sleep loss, whirling, chanting, hyperventilation, yoga and hypnosis. Fever and dehydration also alter consciousness.

The image of the body in western science is that of a machine - a deterministic model in which chemicals inside the body react to each other in the same or similar way as they react to each other outside the body. Biological changes can be reduced to chemical reactions which are stimulated by disease, lack of needed intake (food, air, water), stress, or some outside cause (bumping into something). These same chemical reactions are also responsible for creating the sensations of pleasure or pain. Outside the body, the chemicals act and react in specific ways allowing chemists to combine them in predictable ways. Thus, according to this model, when the body is diseased, certain chemicals known to react with the disease can be given in the correct amount, and there will be a predictable outcome, healing.

But biology cannot be taken as the sole cause for spiritual experiencesIt does not address the question of why humans sometimes act in ways that are contrary to nature. That is, if the cause is nature, if the chemicals being produced serve natural purposes (love leads to reproduction of the species, fear leads to protection and survival, etc.), there should be no unnatural purposes that stem from them. But in human society there are many unnatural results. There is the possibility, less so today perhaps than 15-20 years ago, that the entire world as it is known would be blown up in modern nuclear warfare. No other species, with all the violence that occurs within nature, has ever come to the point where it not only threatens to annihilate itself but others as well. Manufacturing refuse and other debris is polluting the water systems so that drinking water has become a popular item in grocery stores. Use of air-conditioners and aerosols threatens the atmosphere making the earth less inhabitable by our species and others. Again, whatever the violence of nature, imbalances to this extreme are not natural. To the contrary, natural disasters replenish the environment: floods revitalize desert areas, forest fires clear out the underbrush and dead trees, thereby encouraging new foliage. Clearly, on a larger scale, if not on an individual level, biology cannot explain all of human actions, let alone spiritual experiences.

Scientists, especially in the area of medicine, are beginning to realize the limits of the medical model of the human being (see, for example, Dossey 1989; Chopra 1989; Siegal 1989; and others). Psychoneuroimmunology, for instance, is a whole new area of study that looks at the effect of the mind on immunity. In simple language, this is a theory that the body itself can produce the chemicals needed to heal itself. The way this works is described by a pediatrics specialist: "if you sipped something with a particular and unusual flavor whenever you took the medication, it is possible that whenever you tasted that flavor again, your body would respond as if you were taking the medication" (Moyers 1993:85). But the exciting implications are not that the body can be trained to produce chemicals, but the suggestion that an individual may be able, by means of thinking and emotions, to produce the same effects on bodily disease that they would get by taking medicine. This future is illustrated by a man who feels himself having a severe heart attack while fishing on a deserted island. Collapsed in pain, he goes through a mental process whereby all the internal problems are corrected, and then falls into a deep sleep. When he wakes, it takes him a moment to remember where he is and what happened, but soon he is on his way again. Admittedly, this is beyond the scope of reality right now, but another western trained doctor, Chopra, is so confident that healing is more than physical cause and effect that he has given up a lucrative medical career to pursue spiritual healing. Siegal is another medical doctor who points to the generally undiscussed fact that every doctor witnesses spontaneous healings that, according to western medical knowledge, should not have happened. The fact that medical doctors themselves are suggesting such a future indicates an acknowledgment of the bounds of the medical model of physical cause and effect.

This new way of thinking is supported by numerous studies revealing that emotion laden states, such as chronic anxiety, sadness, tension or hostility doubles the risk of disease whereas hope and optimism mitigate against it (Goleman 1995:169). Neurological findings also seem to challenge the traditional view that chemicals are the source of emotions. Theories of emotions affecting the body center on molecular neurotransmitters, which are found not only in the brain, but throughout the body (that is, the center of everything is not found in the brain alone). The transmitter receptors pass on messages, and also make the neuropeptide chemicals that control moods (Dossey 1989:86) (that is, moods can be evoked within the individual without receiving stimulus from outside). Finally, chemicals that affect emotion also affect the immune system (that is, an emotion can release chemicals that bolster the immune system: i.e. you can think yourself well). These are revolutionary findings that imply that intelligence is not limited to the brain, and that emotions are an important factor in healing. In the words of Candace Pert, former Chief of Brain Chemistry of the clinical neuroscience branch at the National Institute of Mental Health, "We have come to theorize that these neuropeptides and their receptors are the biochemical correlates of emotions...I'm saying that we've actually found the material manifestation of emotions" (Moyers 1993:178). These findings allow for other than physical causes of healing. That is, it seems to support those medical doctors who think that emotional and mental attitudes are as important, or more important to healing than prescribed medicine.

Neurobiologists are discovering more than an emotional component to healing; there appear to be energies that cannot be explained in known physical terms. In 1906 a medical doctor found that there was a sudden weight loss of 1/2 to 3/4 of an ounce when his patients died (Wilson 1987:188). Since then others argued that the weight loss was actually water, but modern scientists accept the fact that energy leaves the body when it dies.

... clearly there's another form of energy that we have not yet understood. For example, there's a form of energy that appears to leave the body when the body dies. If we call that another energy that just hasn't been discovered yet, it sounds much less frightening to me than spirit. Remember, I'm a scientist, and in the western tradition I don't use the word spirit. Soul is a four letter word in our tradition. The deal was struck with Descartes. We don't invoke that stuff. And yet too many phenomena can't be explained by thinking of the body in a totally reductionist fashion (Pert in Moyers 1993:182).

One researcher theorizes that spiritual phenomena could be explained in terms of electromagnetism. "All of us emit electromagnetic radiation over the whole range of wavelengths (called black-body radiation), though most of the energy comes out as infrared...Human microwave emissions can be measured by modern techniques termed microwave radiometry. This allows the minuscule amounts of energy we each emit, at wavelength of a centimeter or so, to be monitored" (Taylor 1980:29). By itself, however, electromagnetism doesn't appear to have enough force to cause spiritual phenomena. But a theory of some kind of field around the body may hold more promise. Sheldrake's (1981) theory of morphogenetic fields holds that chemical, physical and biological systems are guided and shaped by fields which exert their influence by means of morphic resonance. "As an example, one can say that the reason a plant cell becomes a leaf cell and not a root cell is because it tunes in, as it were, through morphic resonance, with the morphogenetic fields of all previous leaves of the same kind" (Dossey 1989:192).

Yet another biological theory that might explain spiritual phenomena is that of photons-of-action. Clayton theorizes that spirit is basically emissions of information, and that spiritual phenomena is exchange of information. Photons-of-action are "the carriers of all transfers of kinetic energy from one body to another" (Clayton 1980:98). He theorizes that the photons take shape when the body is alive, and retain that information content or pattern of energy distribution when a person dies. "If one looks for a concrete link between the physical and the spiritual, the concept of photons-of-information seems to volunteer for the job" (Clayton 1980:100).

So, certainly biology can be a cause of spiritual experiences, particularly of altered consciousness.

There are direct biological causes (chemicals, or drugs, that affect consciousness). There are also indirect causes (emotions that trigger neuropeptide receptors to produce certain chemicals which then alter consciousness). But the more sophisticated the knowledge is about body chemistry, immunology and neurons, the more it is becoming clear that biology, at least not deterministic biology, is not the only cause of a whole host of human events. Scientists no longer even consider it to be the solitary cause of healing. Nor does biology shed any light on phenomena such as levitation of the 19th century spiritualism, the miraculous intervention of angels, the effect of prayer (double blind) on patients miles away (Byrd 1988), and mental telepathy, as these phenomena occur separately from the individual. Some recent theories emphasize energies, such as electromagnetic waves, photons-of-action or morphogenic fields as a possible means of extending biological knowledge beyond the current limits. But these theories are, as yet, unproved and controversial, albeit fascinating with much promise.

So clearly, the answer to whether or not biology can be a cause of altered consciousness, the different reality which is common to the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" is yes, it can be a factor. But even if biological changes are associated with spiritual experiences, that does not mean that they are the cause. It could be that mental or emotional states created the change in biology, and led to the experience of a whole new dimension. Someone who agrees with this line of thinking is Weil (1972:69), who studied drug use in the 1960s, is convinced that it is the state of altered consciousness that is addictive to drug users, not the drugs themselves. Drug dependence develops because addicts don't realize there are other ways of achieving a "high." This seems to point to spiritual experiences as not only a natural aspect of human nature, but a necessary part of human experience.

The limits of our knowledge about what's "out there?"

Most people who have spiritual experiences are convinced that they have encountered something that exists apart from themselves. There is a possibility that their experiences are based on the existence of an invisible reality, rather than a subjective physical cause or a social cause. That is, maybe there is something invisible "out-there." Since this possibility can't be ruled out, it must be explored. But what could it be? There are three modern theories of an invisible reality discussed by researchers today. Enumerating them below does not preclude the possibility of more, although Wilber (1983:293) warns against equating Spirit with "any merely 'holistic' findings in physics, biology, or psychology," which would be to confuse the totality with "Light beyond the cave". None of the three different theories are, at this time, conclusive. Each is suggestive, and holds possibility that there is something "out there," but none by themselves seems entirely satisfactory. But they provide enough evidence of a yet unexplored dimension in science that coincides with the realities of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World."

The first theory of an invisible reality is that of a non-local mind. Theorists who speculate about a non-local mind include Henry Margenau, a philosopher, who advocates a universal mind that is non-material and "completely free and independent from the physical brain, yet fully capable of influencing it"; physicist Erwin Schrodinger, who theorizes about a transpersonal and collective mind; physicist David Bohm, who argues that the universe is holographic so that the visible and the invisible are united in an order that extends beyond consciousness into an area where there is no linear time a place he calls the "home of the mind" (Dossey 1989:164, 137, 175, 176). Dossey, a popular theorist and physician, thinks that all these theories point to a non-local mind, one that exists outside of the individual, a mind that connects different individuals together and that works through the individual. He speculates that the rules that govern non-local physics are the same as those that govern a nonlocal mind: connections between distant objects take place instantaneously; influences are not diminish by distance, and separating a nonlocal connection by usual physical means is impossible. "A nonlocal interaction is, in short, unmediated, unmitigated and immediate" (Dossey 1989:180). Dossey uses the analogy of TV reception and transmission to explain how a nonmaterial mind acts on a physical body. That is, there is a signal from the nonlocal, universal mind that is picked up by the individual; clarity of the reception depends upon the individual's receiving equipment. When the picture is bad, there are two possible problems - the signal transmission is bad, or the TV set is bad. In Dossey's opinion, most modern theories of the brain resemble the person who believes the TV itself produces the picture. Thus when something goes wrong with the picture, they look only to the TV. Once it is fixed reception is restored, so like the local theories of the brain, their theory appears verified, just as damage to the brain appears to verify the brain as the origin of mind (Dossey 1989:197). For Dossey, the idea of a non-local mind is an even more advanced conception than the popular mind-body approach to medicine; it emphasizes the causal power of consciousness and "does not regard the mind as operating only within the individual human body or even within a single lifetime of a person" (Dossey 1989:265).

An approach similar to Dossey's is the theory of Human Energy Field. According to this theory, every individual has an energy field that surrounds them, and reflects their being. It is intimately related to their health and emotions, but is derived from a larger energy field. "The Human Energy Field is the manifestation of the universal energy that is intimately involved with human life" (Brennan 1988:41). According to this theory, universal energy is what permeates and connects space and objects, flowing from one object to another. The energy is always associated with some form of consciousness. Sensitivity to the Human Energy Field is called High Sense Perception (HSP), developed by entering into an "expanded state of consciousness," during which time information about an individual is communicated through the energy field. Spiritual healing is manipulation of the Human Energy Field. Brennan (1988:10) concludes that this kind of sensitivity is a "natural evolutionary step for the human race."

This last theory coincides with Sheldrake's morphogenic field theory and with findings by neurologists that the mind is not confined to the brain, but that intelligence exists in every cell throughout the body, and that emotions, which "run" everything, have a nonphysical reality. Pert recognizes the similarity between neurological theories and theories of spiritual existence such as the Human Energy Field. "As a scientist, I believe that we're going to understand everything one day, but this understanding will require bringing in a realm we don't understand at all yet. We're going to have to bring in that extra-energy realm, the realm of the spirit and soul that Descartes kicked out of western scientific thought" (Pert in Moyers 1993:186).

The second theory of an invisible world "out there" is not so different from the first theory, except that it raises the question of invisible being, or beings. If there is a universal mind (Dossey), and if mind or energy always implies consciousness (Brennan), then there must be consciousness, or consciousnesses, in the invisible world in the form of invisible being or beings. A century ago, Sir William Crookes, a prominent nineteenth century scientist who spent several years studying spiritual phenomena, developed a theory to explain seance events. His scheme included the possibility of invisible beings of three kinds: a) "departed human beings", b) "evil spirits or devils," and c) "a separate order of beings, living on this earth, but invisible and immaterial to us" (Crooks in Medhurst 1972:128). Crookes' explanation for the various seance events, including levitation, sounds, and apparitions, is the existence of a psychic force that is variously possessed by living persons and used by the spirit beings to accomplish the phenomena. "[I]t is an equally reasonable conclusion that the Force which causes the motions beyond the limits of the body is the same Force that produces motions within the limits of the body" (Medhurst 1972:129). Thus mediums make their force available for use by the invisible spirit beings. The beings may also use the force possessed by others present at the seance.

These experiments confirm beyond doubt the conclusions at which I arrived in my former paper, namely, the existence of a force associated, in some manner not yet explained, with the human organization, by which force, increased weight is capable of being imparted to solid bodies without physical contact. In the case of Mr. Home, the development of this force varies enormously, not only from week to week, but from hour to hour; on some occasions the force is inappreciable by my tests for an hour or more, and then suddenly reappears in great strength. It is capable of acting at a distance from Mr. Home (not infrequently as far as two or three feet), but is always strongest close to him (Crooks in Medhurst 1972:57).

Controversy surrounded Crookes' theory. His scientific colleagues refused to let him present it at a meeting of scientists. The findings were subsequently published in a distinguished scientific journal only because Crookes himself was editor at the time. This apparent inability of the scientific community to entertain theories of an invisible reality that challenge traditional concepts will be discussed at shortly, so here it only needs to be added that Crookes soon stopped promoting his spiritual theory, and was thought to have given up such unacceptable ideas. He continued in a successful scientific career for the rest of his life. Only much later, however, he noted that he had no cause to retract anything, which has been taken to mean that he did not change his ideas about the invisible force and beings at work during a seance.

Crookes' theory, of course, coincides with the beliefs of spiritualists and people of most religious faiths around the world, not to mention the hallucinogenic patients. In a study that is strictly empirical, basing the conclusions on the direct accounts of spiritual experiences, this theory would win hands down. For similar reasons to those which caused Crookes to keep his spiritual theories to himself, however, many researchers of paranormal phenomena today are careful to disclaim beliefs about its reality (McClenon 1994, McDonald 1992). However, as a serious explanation for otherwise unexplained phenomena, Crookes' theory is no less deserving of careful consideration than other scientific theories. While it has never been proven conclusively, neither has it been disproven, which, coincidentally, is the same situation of some very well known scientific theories, including Einstein's theory of relativity.

We can, however, explain the rejection of this theory by means of Kantian rationalism.

Kant pointed out that sensory impressions become experience, that is, gain meaning, only after they are interpreted in terms of a priori concepts, such as time and space. Other a priori concepts, such as induction (or causality) allow the mind to construct reality from that experience. Kant referred to these concepts as transcendental, because they transcend experience and thus are beyond the scope of scientific inquiry (Stent 1978:193).

By this reasoning, the 19th century scientists who dismissed Crookes' theory out of hand had no basis within their own experience to interpret it. Therefore, the theory had no meaning, and, since it seemed to contradict accepted scientific ideas, had to be regarded as absurd.

This leads to the third theory of an invisible world "out there," or in this case, "in there." Quantum physicists have discovered an invisible realm that has many similarities to the characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World." (This similarity was noted in the 1970s in books such as The Tao of Physics.) Most specifically, the order of the world of subatomic particles challenges traditional concepts of space, time, matter, object cause and effect. This theory, too, was initially rejected by the late 19th century positivists "on the grounds that no one had ever seen an atom" (Stent 1978:192). There were other notable objections to quantum theories. (Einstein objected with his now famous quote, "God doesn't play dice.")

In atomic physics, many of the paradoxical situations are connected with the dual nature of light or - more generally - of electromagnetic radiation... What we see, or hear, are never the investigated phenomena themselves but always their consequences. The atomic and subatomic world itself lies beyond our sensory perception...As we penetrate deeper and deeper into nature, we have to abandon more and more of the images and concepts of ordinary language (Capra 1984:33).

Shortly after Eistein published his Special Theory of Relativity, physicists encountered paradoxes in the subatomic world where descriptions of a phenomenon was no longer singular but had to include sets of conditions that complement each other. One of the most well-known finding of quantum physics is that a particle can be either a particle or a wave, that the act of observing a particle in one form or the other, precludes its appearance in the other form. Waves at this level are considered to be probability waves, representing probabilities of interconnections.

For example, Max Planck discovered that the energy of heat radiation is not emitted continuously, but appears in the form of discrete 'energy packet,' called quanta. Einstein postulated that all forms of electromagnetic radiation can appear not only as waves, but also in the form of these quanta. These light quanta, or energy packets, have been accepted as bona fide particles...Our old world of solid objects and deterministic laws of nature is now dissolved into a world of wave like patterns of interconnections. Concepts like elementary particle, material substance or isolated object have lost their meaning. The whole universe appears as a dynamic web of inseparable energy patterns. The universe is thus defined as a dynamic inseparable whole which always includes the observer in an essential way (Brennan 1988:24-5).

Using the findings from quantum physics, there is the possibility of creating matter from zero energy. This is the situation when the positive energy of mass is exactly offset by the negative energy of attraction in the form of gravity or electromagnetism (Davies 1983:31). Some physicists would go so far as to say that there is no world order "out there" to discover, but rather we are creating the world order by our choices. This is the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics, after Nels Bohr, which theorizes that at the subatomic level, a real world doesn't exist until an observer looks at it, collapsing all the other possibilities of its existence into the one observed. Even more startling, some scientists have discovered a similarity in system organization that goes beyond disciplinary boundaries. That is, movement of elements affecting the weather resemble organization of genes, which resembles the mechanics of embryological development, which is similar to global ecological communities, which can be programmed on a computer, which is similar to the organization of the brain. Previously it was thought that simple systems behave in simple ways, whereas complex behavior implies complex causes. "Now all that has changed....Simple systems give rise to complex behavior. Complex systems give rise to simple behavior. And most important, the laws of complexity hold universally, caring not at all for the details of a system's constituent atoms" (Gleick 1987:304). Deterministic systems can breed complexity, and systems too complex for traditional mathematics can obey simple laws. This is the new, interdisciplinary study of chaos and complexity, which challenges a whole host of traditional scientific assumptions. One of the most elegant aspects of chaos theory is what is called local rules, the idea that combining a deterministic "rule" with chance selection creates not greater chaos, but an elegant larger pattern. The similarity of this pattern of interaction to biological and social functions has not been lost on Dossey and others. Rather than deterministic systems, micro-biological systems of neurons and peptides appear to be systems poised ready to act in a variety of ways.

In very complicated physical systems such as the brain, the neurons, and sense organs, whose constituents are small enough to be governed by probabilistic quantum laws, the physical organ is always poised for a multitude of possible changes, each with a definite probability: if one change takes place that requires energy...the intricate organism furnishes it automatically. Hence, even if the mind has anything to do with the change, that is, if there is mind-body interaction, the mind would not be called on to furnish energy" (Dossey 1989:165).

This world seems to make it possible for miraculous events of the body (such as healing) to be explained in terms of the existence of microscopic biological systems ready to do the bidding of the universal mind/energy. That is, because the systems are continually poised and ready to act in a number of ways, it is within their normal functioning to act in a very different way from the expected. Extending this same micro-system idea to phenomena in the environment, miraculous events associated with religion and paranormal could be explained. That is, chaos and complexity theories indicate that other than life forms have a similar kind of organization - at some level, or at some point, indicating that non-living things, too, can respond to a non-local mind, and generate unexpected results without violating scientific laws. If one is to look for an outside cause for the change, the most likely candidate would be the universal mind or energy. Thus by making use of some of the latest theories in physics, neurology and complexity, it may be possible to think of the seemingly miraculous changes that are common to a spirituality in terms of explainable causes. Whether one chooses to call the universal mind God and the energy Angels and deceased beings does not change the explanation much.

A future collaboration between sociologists of spirituality and scientists advocating a universal mind - Schrodinger, Bohm, Dossey and others - could be particularly fruitful. To theorize and/or demonstrate a universal mind is a beginning to new horizons in the social sciences and in other fields. Such knowledge can be furthered by theoretical directions provided by knowledge of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World." At the same time, greater understanding of the properties of an invisible world would add clarity to the understanding of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World."

Similarly, a greater understanding of the energy fields in humans (and animals) could lead to a better understanding of the limits of physical influences, and point to the methods of spiritual influences. Much work needs to be done in all fields to separate the physical and invisible influences (mental and emotional), rather than reducing all invisible influences to biology. If Dossey's analogy of a TV is correct, the process of transmission needs to be understood, and the distinction made between a faulty signal and a faulty receiver. The new scientific theories such as quantum physics, self-organization of dissipative systems (commonly called complexity theory), point to new areas of research in which not only biologically living organisms appear to make decisions - but any system reaching a certain level of complexity. This provides us with a whole new way of understanding human life. Maybe what is important is not that we have bodies, or even spirits, but that there are many levels of systems that interact. A system of meaning is an invisible layer that interacts in various ways with all the other systems.

Most reductionist scientists cannot appreciate critiques of reductionism, because they fail to grasp the importance of pattern. They affirm that all living organisms are ultimately made of the same atoms and molecules that are the components of inorganic matter and that the laws of biology can therefore be reduced to those of physics and chemistry. …There is something else to life, something nonmaterial and irreducible - a pattern of organization (Capra 1996:81).

Construction of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" helps to tackle difficult epistemological questions. It was reasoned that if apparent universal qualities of spirit are the result of a natural human endowment, or if they belong to a dimension that is real (two causes for the experience that were initially bracketed), there will be a natural, or logical consistency to them (the natural world is orderly and consistent) that would not be there if they were purely the creation of the subjective mind. Likewise, if the experiences are a subjective-objective reality, they will also be ordered, although the order and logic of an invisible world might be different from the order and logic of natural physical world. Thus it was concluded that because the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" was logical and consistent, it supports rejection of theories of social conditioning, deprivation and psychiatric diagnosis as cause for the experiences.

Spirituality is no longer totally outside the realm of science. Through this treatise we can begin to give it a place in the social sciences. With further study of the characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" a standard can be established whereby experiences can be authenticated. In time, biologists, neurologists, physicists may develop theories that incorporate spiritual ideas, and there may be a meeting ground between the two realities, so that one can freely traverse back and forth, explaining one reality in terms of the other. The bridge between them may well be theories such as those of self-organization, and emergence (chaos and complexity). But in the meantime, there needs to be a coherent social theory that can explain how it works in society, and how it impacts on human thinking and feeling. This treatise is a beginning to that end.

1. The "Ideal Spiritual Life World" (ISLW) is composed of first and second class internal experiences: the internal social and the internal environment. Although the spiritual experience is subjective and unique, it has a component that goes beyond the individual. There is something other than personal thoughts and feelings involved in these experiences, from wondrous events, to spirit possession, to shamanism, to myths, to archetypes and hallucinations. Each of these experiences is subjective, and occurs within the individual. Individual experiences cannot be described consensually because each arises within a single mind, and touch the feelings of one person. Yet the experience does not belong totally to the individual, each one has an aspect that is bigger than the individual and perhaps contains elements that are foreign to the individual. Jung (1971), Campbell (1972, 1988), Rank (1941), Van Dusen (1972a, 1972b, 1974), Durkheim 1965) and Swanson (1964, 1986) all recognized something foreign in the experiences they studied. Their concepts of Otherness include: archetypes of the collective unconscious, common myth, psychology of Self and Other, beings from a different dimension (with motives, identities and forces of their own), the collective conscious, the two environments of human beings - natural and supernatural.

Many of those who have spiritual experiences describe an encounter with other beings, the internal social world. Experiences of spirit possession, ghosts, guardian angels, spirit guides, spirits of persons who have died are just some of the encounters. Each of these encounters have particular characteristics and activities associated with them. The Umbanda in Brazil identify spirits as having their own personality, gender, age. They also identify them as coming from different groups. Those who have had NDE see their spirit separated from the body, often experience themselves watching others over their body, they meet others who have died, and encounter some kind of guiding figure.

2. The "ideal spiritual life world" is as real as the physical world. James, McClenon (1994) and others point out the reality of the spiritual experience. Most persons who experience the spirit world attribute the cause of their experiences to something outside of themselves. Anthropologists who study spirit possession say that it is very different from other kinds of psychological illnesses, in that the movement is from outside the self, rather than inside the self (Crapanzano and Garrison 1977).

3. The "ideal spiritual life world" has a force or authority of its own, a force that is to be respected. The "ideal spiritual life world" has an effect on the lives of those who experience it. Durkheim thought that the force that was created through interaction with the sacred was the prototype of the concept of force in physics. But the individual is not always able to control the power of a spiritual experience. In fact, the power of an experience may change things, and is capable of wrecking havoc in well ordered lives. Van Dusen (1972b) found that hallucinogenic patients felt threatened and tormented by the beings that they were in communication with. Anthropologists tell that those who believe in spirit possession think that spirits make people ill; the spirit-possessed don't necessarily welcome the experience. They may resist it because possession means risking the loss of many of the familiar aspect of their lives - family, home, income. James, on the other hand, pointed to the positive effects of a spiritual experience - enthusiasm, unusual elation, strength, sensitivity to discord, elimination of "cowardly obstructions", charm, beauty and charisma. He thought of the power of the Other as an inner authority. Perhaps because of its power, the Otherness has been feared. Freud attempted to use a rational harness (the superego) to control it by putting it in the unconscious. Other psychologists regard the appearance of an uncontrolled force within an individual as an aberration to normal behavior, and seek to normalize the individual back into society. At other times, such as when it appears in religion or in the mystic experience, the power of the Otherness inspires awe. Those who have Near Death Experiences frequently have a change of attitude toward life. The inner life is a source of new life, creativity and good qualities in a person. The "ideal spiritual life world" has an effect on things in the physical world.

4. The "ideal spiritual life world" has different realms, or orders. A distinct characteristic of the Otherness is harmony and order; it is not all of one kind, the experiences are not all of the same type - some are pleasant, some are frightening, some contribute to the lives of those that have them, and others are destructive. In Ethiopia people possessed by evil spirits were believed to have some lasting afflictions; in Sri Lanka evil ancestors sometimes possessed persons, in South America soul loss is a dangerous illness inflicted by a hostile witch, Torrence (1994) saw witches as those with mysterious powers that negated the social order and wrecked violence and hatred, the Catholic Church has always seen possession as evil and has long had a tradition of exorcism. Van Dusen (1972b) found that the lower order hallucinations were destructive, incapable of sequential reasoning, foul-mouthed and anti-religious.

There is also a high realm of spirit world, the realm that is helpful to those in contact with it, that help in the healing, and are guardian spirits in Near Death Experiences. Bucke (1974) noted the higher realm in his concept of cosmic consciousness. In his hallucinogenic patients, Van Dusen (1972b) found that the higher order are helpful, supportive, religious, and communicate nonverbally.

In addition to a higher and a lower realm or order, there are different recognizable groups of spirits. The Umbandists identify spirits that are Indians, slaves, children, the wicked.

5. Within the "ideal spiritual life world" there is a process of growth. This is seen in Washburn's (1994) description of the Dark Night of the Spirit, a traditionally difficult period in one's spiritual growth. Another example is found among the Umbanda, where spirits who are advanced are associated with light. Bucke (1974) thought that cosmic consciousness was birth to a higher spiritual level. The self is important to the spiritual experience. All see spiritual development as growing beyond self-centeredness. Only by understanding one's own spiritual nature, both the good and the bad, can one develop to a higher level. Key to understanding the self is to sort out all the influences: impulsive, rational, material, spiritual, self-centered "I", and the social self. Jung calls it Individuation, a separation of the individual from the collective. Maslow refers to it as self-actualization, which is correlated with peak experiences (similar to spiritual experiences). Durkheim speaks of the Cult of the Individual, and Simmel envisions a society filled with autonomous, self-contained and self-governing spirits. A strong, developed self is less susceptible to unwanted external forces, physical or spiritual, social or environmental. Much of the effort of mystics and yogis is to free oneself from the force of the physical world, to still the mind and slow the bodily functions in order to develop the spiritual powers, which include ESP, clairvoyance, leaving one's body (McClenon). Bennet (1964) identifies the material self as separate from the spiritual self, and notes that the negative reactive self yearns after the physical world, whereas the positive reactive self seeks for the True self. James (1936) found the most exaggerated selfishness in the material self. Attainment of a higher character is not characteristic of every person.

6. Some people have some control over the spiritual force; it is a force that can, at times and by some people, be guided, if not controlled. Those able to understand it appear to be able to harness its power, not reshape it like the rationalists might like to do, but direct the focus of its impact. To harness the spiritual forces appears to be similar to harnessing natural forces - of water, electricity or even gravity. Anthropologists have found that in some places where spirit possession is common, exorcism is a way of controlling unwanted spirits in individuals, and as a consequence, a means of healing. Torrence found that unlike mediums, the shaman's mastery of spirits extends even into trance, where they journey to the world beyond, or spirits enter and inspire him. The shaman's techniques for control range from frenzied rituals to solitary meditation. The American Indians fasted and prayed in solitude for a vision. Purification, self-denial, solitary communion has been constant throughout history as a means of developing the power over spirit world (Torrence 1994). The amount of control the individuals have varies. Healers learn how to use spiritual forces to improve the well-being of others; shamans learn how to use spiritual forces. McClenon (1994) found examples of harnessing the power in fire walking, which he concluded was only the power of the individual's own mind.

7. The logic and order of the "ideal spiritual life world" is not the same as in the physical world. One's sense of time is altered, appearances of a spirit being may change drastically, causes are not necessarily sequential, movement defies physical laws. In possession there is altered thinking, changed body image, perceptual distortions, changed meanings or significance. Bucke's (1974) cosmic consciousness involves an altered sense of time and place. Many theorists emphasize unity or wholeness. Items are not added or divided with the same results as in the physical world.

8. It is hard to express a spiritual experience in materialistic language. May (1982) notes the difficulty of explaining spiritual experiences with materialistic language. Van Dusen (1972b) noted the hesitancy of his hallucinogenic patients to talk with him about their visions. Bucke (1974) explains that accounts of the spiritual have been misunderstood because of the difficulty in describing it. James (1936) notes the hostility those who have spiritual experiences sometimes encounter from others that don't understand them.

9. People are drawn to spiritual experiences, and to those who have had spiritual experiences. James (1936) notes that spiritual experiences give people an inner authority; Campbell (1988) thinks myths are essential to life, as does Jung (archetypes). Weber captured it in his term charisma.

10. All indicate that the individual experiences both dichotomies and conflict. Sometimes the conflict is within the dichotomies; sometimes it is self-centeredness versus the larger social entity. Such inner conflict is the precursor of all external conflict. That is, within each of the different sides, there can be both small-mindedness or small -beingness, and large mindedness. Bennett (1964) notes that most people are unaware of the conflict.

11. The inner world is an isomorphic parallel of the outer world. This was Maslow's (1968) observation. Jung (1971) thought that the body was the outward manifestation of the life of the spirit. Van Dusen (1972b) described the physical changes that took place as a result of the actions of the hallucinations. Washburn (1994) describes the characteristics of a person experiencing the Dark Night of the Spirit.

12. The experience changes the experiencer. The lives of visionaries are changed, without question. They become more religious, frequently devoting their lives to religious work. Lives of those who witness visions, or other spiritual phenomena, or who even hear about it, are many times deeply affected in some way - from conversion, to healing, to renewed dedication, to greater awe of and interest in spiritual events.

13. The experience leads to increased knowledge. Visionaries and mystics receive many messages, and are taught many things, both for their private understanding and for the public. Many ghosts appear to have unfinished business, which, when attended to, puts them to rest.

14. There is a universal element to the experience. Either it is claimed to be possible for everyone to experience, or it occurs in a variety of cultures and ages so that it cannot be argued it is unique.

Many religious group claim that what their members experience is for everyone, as do most great mystics of various religions. Several researchers have noted that ghosts, apparitions and even poltergeists are common to countries around the world.

Finding these similarities in such widely different settings, in the experiences of people who hold such different beliefs, seems to indicate that there is something universal about their experience. In the external physical world, scientists talk about objective characteristics, everyone can see it, touch it, and so on. In the internal world, objectivity is not possible, but something that is found universally begins to acquire a similar reality. Vital elements of the spiritual experience have been identified; there is a similarity, not just a vague resemblance, but fourteen characteristics that appear in each different group or enclave. Thus the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" is not a figment of individual imaginations. It is something experienced by many people. The fourteen characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" argue for a single class of phenomena. Those who experience the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" appear to have tapped into a similar dimension of experience, though their means of reaching the experience differ. The very existence of this similarity of experience is itself of sociological interest, aside from the interest in the characteristics themselves. While the number of enclaves examined here is not exhaustive, it is sufficient to conclude the existence of a dimension not normally studied by sociologists.

This study separated religion from spirituality theoretically, and the results show that the two are, in fact, related, but not contingent. Most of the phenomena examined here occurred within a religious setting. Those that did not, namely paranormal, point to the fact that this class of phenomena is important in other social situations aside from its association with religion. Examples of this are already suggested in Lyons and Truzzi's (1991) "blue sense," and the use of psychics in detective work. Other situations could include the possibility that spirituality is a common factor in social networks, or that differences in spirituality levels is a factor in social conflict, or that similar spirituality levels may be a factor in selection or compatibility of marriage partners.

In addition to the fourteen characteristics of the "Ideal Spiritual Life World" other characteristics were shared by one or more of the fourteen groups. One of these additional characteristics is common to nine of the groups, seven are common to three or more of the groups, another four characteristics are common to only two groups, and three characteristics are common to only one of the groups. These additional characteristics create a classification scheme that allows for the distinction of different kinds of spiritual experiences within this single class of phenomena. It also provides further information about the class of phenomena itself.

a) The communal aspect of the spiritual experience. Only five of the groups did not have a communal element (either the experiences arose within a communal tradition, or the experience was for the benefit of others, or it was experienced in a communal setting). Angels, occult, communication with the dead, psychic experiences, and hallucinatory patients did not share the communal aspect. Investigating what makes these experiences different on this point would make a fascinating study.

b) The connection of spiritual experiences to religion. Five of the groups have the experience of union, for the most part union with a Supreme Being, as an important characteristic. It is found in the mystics, charismatics, Mary cult, NDE, Wicca, and with some qualification in feminist spirituality and NRMs. These are the most religious of the fourteen groups. Although there are other characteristics which also point to religion, union is a distinguishing characteristic. Among the mystics, it must be remembered, not all include experience of a Supreme Being; for some the experience of union is more of a feeling of harmony with the whole of the universe. Within feminist spirituality, not all experience union, or emphasize it. Some appear to be more focused on horizontal transformation, although for others the two occur together.

c) The connection of spiritual experiences to the non-religious. Five groups demonstrate antagonism towards religion, and two of those groups plus another two groups (total of four groups) commonly share the experience of movement of physical objects and/or control of spiritual forces. Nineteenth century spiritualism does not include the union characteristic, but has the characteristics of antagonism to religion and control of spiritual forces, indicating an aspect of the spiritual experience that is not shared by others who are religious; the root of their antagonism to religion is apparently different from that of NRMs and feminist spirituality. In some ways, the same can be said for Wicca, whose experience of union is different from that of the mystics or charismatics, for instance. The antagonism of NRMs and feminist spirituality toward religion, while at the same time including an experience of union with a Supreme Being, indicates an antagonism toward social organization rather than toward a Supreme Being. Paranormal and experience of angels also have the characteristic of physical movement during the spiritual experience, but they are not necessarily antagonistic toward religion. Some of those involved with paranormal may be antagonistic, as, in a loose sense, it grew out of 19th century spiritualism.

Three of the four groups (excluding 19th century spiritualism) value the development of self and include it as a component in the spiritual experience. In some ways, these three groups might be considered to belong to a more general category of new age religions, although feminist spirituality is not new age in the same way the others are. Nevertheless, the importance of developing a self concept and antagonism to religion seem to point to an aspect of the spiritual experience shared by some groups and not others. Another new age characteristic shared by NRMs and Wicca is the importance of a living spiritual leader. Feminist spirituality shares this characteristic to the extent that the experience of women are important to other women. However, clearly some of the experiences of feminist spirituality are more traditional, and do not rely upon the existence of a living, or recently deceased, spiritual leader as a model. 19th century spiritualism and paranormal both include the characteristic of communication.

d) Immanent spirituality. Wicca and feminist spirituality are the only two that can be identified by immanent spirituality, although the immediacy of a spiritual teacher that is alive has a similar characteristic. The idea of suffering as part of the spiritual experience is found in mysticism, and in charismatics (the experiences prior to change). It is also found in the Occult, and to some extent, in Wicca. Of the groups with unique characteristics, 19th century spiritualism is the only one that overtly identifies the connection of the spirit to the body by means of a tiny thread whereas Wicca is the only one that insists the spiritual experience is a coming together, or unity of opposites. In some ways, the unity of opposites stressed by Wicca is similar to the characteristic of union found in those groups with a religious focus. But union for the religious usually implies a Supreme Being (some mystics excepted) and has a more specific nature than the more general kind of unity of opposites of Wicca. There may be some overlap, of course.

There appears to be a polarization of the groups between the religious and the non-religious, with the mystics, charismatics and Mary cult on one end, and 19th century spiritualism and paranormal (and perhaps Wicca) on the other end. Whether or not religion or lack of religion is a causal factor in the other shared characteristics needs to be studied. In any case, one must be careful not to think of either pole as the exact opposite of the other, as the groups in-between have some characteristics from both of the polar ends.

NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
1. The spiritual experiences and teachings of a spiritual teacher who is alive, or who died fairly recently, is an important aspect of the NRM ISLW. The immediate quality makes it similar to immanent spirituality.
2. The NRMs emphasize a disciplined journey from the conventional life into the spiritual reality; obedience is important.
3. The group is important to the spiritual experiences of NRMs.
4. Suffering is an accepted part of the experience.
5. Development of self is important for some NRMs.
6. There is some antagonism to traditional religion.

CHARISMATICS
1. The community is very important, at every step in a person's spiritual development.
2. The charismatic movement has democratic tendencies; everyone can be a channel of inspiration.
3. A union with God and/or Jesus is the object of the charismatic experience.
4. A period of suffering prior to a charismatic experience is not uncommon.

THE MARY CULT/MARIAN APPARITIONS
1. Union: the trance experiences are an experience of union - the visionaries are in communion with an invisible something.
2. The communal aspect of the visions is that they are not for the individuals who have the vision alone.

ANGELS
1. Interference by angels often implies movement of things or people that contradicts physical laws.

NINETEENTH CENTURY SPIRITUALISM
1. Channels of communication between the two worlds exist: voices, rappings, automatic writing, coincidences, manifestations, noises.
2. Seances are always a group event: the spirits need the energy of the persons present to produce their phenomena.
3. It is possible for the spiritual force to move physical objects.
4. Spirits in different realms have different characteristics: earth bound spirits were generally described as coarse in texture. Some speak of the spirit and body being connected by means of an elastic dark silk thread.

FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY
1. Immanent spirituality includes bodily sensations as part of the spiritual experience - this ranges from inclusion of sexual experiences to bodily sensations felt during ethereal spiritual experience: tingling, sensing a presence, a feeling in the stomach. Immediacy is also seen in the preference for living leaders.
2. The communal aspect is important to the feminist spirituality, especially the community of women, within whose company other women.
3. There is an antagonism to traditional religion, which in some cases becomes hostility.
4. Development of a self-constructed concept of self, at times equated with feminine consciousness (understanding one's place in the social order).
5. Some versions of feminist spirituality emphasize union much as it is found in traditional Christianity. For others union is of less importance than immanent spirituality.

WICCA
1. The most prominent additional characteristic is that of unity of opposites, a theme that runs throughout all the writings about Wicca. This is not exactly the same as union in other groups, but similar.
2. Among many Wiccans, there is an antagonism toward traditional religion. There is also the rejection of traditional religion as a patriarchal order.
3. The communal aspect is important to Wiccans - they meet regularly in covens, learn their magic in covens, share their experiences in the larger meetings of pagans. Drawing a circle to distinguish between their friendly power and the more hostile power of the rest of the world also requires a community.
4. Immanent spirituality rather than transcendent spirituality is important to Wiccans: inclusion of the body and senses in the experience of spirituality. Living leaders are important.
5. Suffering is accepted as a part of the entire experience of spirituality.

OCCULT
1. Training and initiation is a very important aspect of the occult. Without the dramatic and difficult initiation experience, the magician would not appreciate or understand the power he or she seeks to control. It is the training process that develops his or her ability to control it. Obedience is important.
2. There is a fearfulness of the power - the spells are written with things missing or backward so that those unable to control the force cannot conjure it up by mistake. Although this characteristic is somewhat the same as the third characteristic of the "ideal spiritual life world," it is so much more pronounced in the magician it deserves an additional mention.
3. Most magicians have some antagonism toward traditional religion, if for no other reason than it demands a group loyalty and the magician tends to be a loner. Among black magicians, it is outright hostility, demonstrated by the profane rituals and language.
4. Personal gain is usually associated with occult and magic. Although it is possible for some magicians to cast spells for the benefit of others, it is difficult to draw the line, as discussed above. Is preventing an enemy from achieving their goals for the greater good of others, or only of oneself? An answer relies upon a definition of enemy and greater good, and beyond that, is circumstantial.
5. There is a destructive aspect of the occult, and especially of black magic. Crowley wrecked destruction on whatever or whomever he came in contact. The lives of magicians, for the most part, are less than ideal. In anger, magicians may cause great harm to others, at least they are feared for the possibility.
6. Suffering is an accepted part of the experience of spirituality.
7. Control of physical object is sometimes within the ability of the occult practitioner.

NEAR DEATH EXPERIENCES
1. The out of body experience of watching themselves from above is an important part of the NDE.
2. An experience of a Supreme Being. In the NDE it is called different things, but in each case it is acknowledged as holy, and loving.
3. A feeling of union. The feeling of peace and reluctance to return indicates a feeling of union.
4. The experience has a communal aspect. The experiencer is met by persons who have died, and there is a sense in which the individual is not alone.

COMMUNICATION WITH THE DEAD
1. The experience has a communal aspect. The feeling is usually not one of being isolated or alone; rather the apparitions come to assist the person's transition into the other world. Often the experiencer wants to share the vision with others: "Can't you see it?"
2. Communication with the beyond is part and parcel of this experience.

APPARITIONS, GHOSTS AND POLTERGEISTS
1. The experience has a communal aspect. Ghosts are sometimes experienced by many people, such as the ghosts at Little Big Horn, or on a smaller scale, a haunted house. However, their communal nature is different from mysticism, for instance, where the experience arises within the communal. Ghosts, apparitions and poltergeists don't usually arise in a communal setting, but, to the contrary, often begin by appearing to one individual. But then like wildfire, others become involved.
2. A feeling of fear. Many of the ghost and poltergeist experiences, and sometimes even apparition experiences, leave the experiencer feeling afraid.

HALLUCINATORY PATIENTS
1. Antagonism to traditional religion.
2. The experience of suffering is associated with the spiritual experience.
3. Hallucinatory patients feel compelled to obey the voices, visions, etc.
4. Some of the experiences of the hallucinatory patients exhibit a destructive power.